Increased Screen Time and Wellbeing Decline in Youth
[A] Have young people never had it so good? Or do they face more challenge than any previous generation? Our current era in the west is one of high wealth. This means minors enjoy material benefits and legal protections that would have been the envy of those living in the past. But there is an increasing suspicion that all is not well for our youth. And one of the most popular explanations, among some experts and the popular media, is that excessive “screen time” is to blame. (This refers to all the attention young people devote to their phones, tablets and laptops). However, this is a contentious theory and such claims have been treated skeptically by some scholars based on their reading of the relevant data.
[B] Now a new study has provided another contribution to the debate, uncovering strong evidence that adolescent wellbeing in the United States really is experiencing a decline and arguing that the most likely cause is the electronic riches we have given them. The background to this is that from the 1960s into the early 2000s,measures of average wellbeing went up in the US. This was especially true for younger people. It reflected the fact that these decades saw a climb in general standards of living and avoidance of mass societal traumas like full-scale war or economic deprivation. However, the “screen time” hypothesis, advanced by researchers such as Jean Twenge, is that electronic devices and excessive time spent online may have reversed these trends in recent years, causing problems for young people's psychological health.
[C] To investigate, Twenge and her colleagues dived into the “Monitoring the Future” dataset based on annual surveys of American school students from grades 8, 10, and 12 that started in 1991. In total, 1.1 million young people answered various questions related to their wellbeing. Twenge's team's analysis of the answers confirmed the earlier, well-established wellbeing climb, with scores rising across the 1990s, and into the later 2000s. This was found across measures like self-esteem, life satisfaction, happiness and satisfaction with individual domains like job, neighborhood, or friends. But around 2012 these measures started to decline. This continued through 2016, the most recent year for which data is available.
[D] Twenge and her colleagues wanted to understand why this change in average wellbeing occurred. However, it is very hard to demonstrate causes using non-experimental data such as this. In fact, when Twenge previously used this data to suggest a screen time effect, some commentators were quick to raise this problem. They argued that her causal-sounding claims rested on correlational data, and that she had not adequately account for other potential causal factors. This time around, Twenge and her team make a point of saying that they are not trying to establish causes as such, but that they are assessing the plausibility of potential causes.
[E] First, they explain that if a given variable is playing a role in affecting wellbeing, then we should expect any change in that variable to correlate with the observed changes in wellbeing. If not, it is not plausible that the variable is a causal factor. So the researchers looked at time spent in a number of activities that could plausibly be driving the wellbeing decline. Less sport, and fewer meetings with peers correlated with lower wellbeing, as did less time reading print media (newspapers) and, surprisingly, less time doing homework. (This last finding would appear to contradict another popular hypothesis that it is our burdening of students with assignments that is causing all the problems). In addition, more TV watching and more electronic communication both correlated with lower wellbeing. All these effects held true for measures of happiness, life satisfaction and self-esteem, with the effects stronger in the 8th and 10th-graders.
[F] Next, Twenge's team dug a little deeper into the data on screen time. They found that adolescents who spent a very small amount of time on digital devices-a couple of hours a week-had the highest wellbeing. Their wellbeing was even higher than those who never used such devices. However, higher doses of screen time were clearly associated with lower happiness. Those spending 10-19 hours per week on their devices were 41 percent more likely to be unhappy than lower-frequency users. Those who used such devices 40 hours a week or more (one in ten of teenagers) were twice as likely to be unhappy. The data was slightly complicated by the fact that there was a tendency for kids who were social in the real world to also use more online communication, but by bracketing out different cases it became clear that the real-world sociality component correlated with greater wellbeing, whereas greater time on screens or online only correlated with poorer wellbeing.
[G] So far, so plausible. But the next question is, are the drops in average wellbeing happening at the same time as trends toward increased electronic device usage? It looks likes it-after all, 2012 was the tipping point when more than half of Americans began owning smartphones. Twenge and her colleagues also found that across the key years of 2013-16, wellbeing was indeed lowest in years where adolescents spent more time online, on social media, and reading news online, and when more youth in the United States had smartphones. And in a second analysis, they found that where technology went, dips in wellbeing followed. For instance, years with a larger increase in online usage were followed by years with lower wellbeing, rather than the other way around. This does not prove causality, but is consistent with it. Meanwhile, TV use did not show this tracking. TV might make you less happy, but this is not what seems to be driving the recent declines in young people's average happiness.
[H] A similar but reversed pattern was found for the activities associated with greater wellbeing. For example, years when people spent more time with friends were better years for wellbeing (and followed by better years). Sadly, the data also showed face-to-face socializing and sports activity had declined over the period covered by the survey.
[I] There is another explanation that Twenge and her colleagues wanted to address: the impact of the great recession of 2007-2009, which hit a great number of American families and might be affecting adolescents. The dataset they used did not include economic data, so instead the researchers looked at whether the 2013-16 wellbeing decline was tracking economic indicators. They found some evidence that some crude measures, like income inequality, correlated with changes in wellbeing, but economic measures with a more direct impact, like family income and unemployment rates (which put families into difficulties) , had no relationship with wellbeing. The researchers also note that the recession hit some years before we see the beginning of the wellbeing drop, and before the steepest wellbeing decline, which occurred in 2013.
[J] The researchers conclude that electronic communication was the only adolescent activity that increased at the same time psychological wellbeing declined. I suspect that some experts in the field will be keen to address alternative explanations, such as unassessed variables playing a role in the wellbeing decline. But the new work does go further than previous research and suggests that screen time should still be considered a potential barrier to young people's flourishing.
The year when most Americans began using smartphones was identified as a turning point in young Americans' level of happiness.
注意抓住题干中的关键信息The year when most Americans began using smartphones was identified as a turning point。文章段落中谈及大多数美国人开始使用智能手机的那一年被认为是转折点的内容出现在G段 。该段探讨了平均幸福感降低是否与电子设备使用增多同时发生的问题,其中第三句提到,2012 年是半数以上的美国人开始拥有智能手机的转折点。本句是对该段此句的同义转述,题干中The year指代原文中的 2012; when most Americans began using smartphones对应原文中 when more than half of Americans began owning smartphones; was identified as a turning point对应原文中的 was the tipping point.
Scores in various wellbeing measures began to go downward among young Americans in recent years.
注意抓住题干中的关键信息Scores in various wellbeing measures began to go downward。文章段落 中谈及体现幸福感的各种指标下降的内容出现在C段 。该段第三句指出,这些指标的分数从20世纪90年 代持续上升到 21世纪00年代后期,特文格的团队从而得出结论:幸福感提升早年确实长期存在过。最后 两句说,2012年前后这些指标开始下降,一直持续到2016年 。其中these measures回指上句中的measures like self-esteem , life satisfaction, happiness and satisfaction with individual domains like job, neighborhood, or friends。本题题干是对C段内容的概括。题干中的began to go downward是原文倒数第二句中started to decline的同义转述;in recent years对应原文中的around 2012及continued through 2016。
Unfortunately, activities involving direct contact with people, which contributed to better wellbeing, were found to be on the decline.
注意抓住题干中的关键信息activities involving direct contact with people和on the decline。文章段落中谈到与人直接接触的活动在减少的内容出现在H段 。H段第二句谈到,人们花更多时间与朋友在一起的某几年中幸福感较高(接下来的几年幸福感更高)。说明与朋友相处这种直接与人接触的活动是可以提升幸福感的。但紧接着第三句又说,遗憾的是,数据还显示,在调查所涉期间,面对面社交和体育活动有所减少。可见,本句是对H段这两句的同义转述。题干中activities involving direct contact with people 对应原文中的face-to-face socializing; were found to be on the decline是原文中had declined的变化说法。
In response to past critics, Twenge and her co-researchers stress they are not trying to prove that the use of digital devices reduces young people's wellbeing.
注意抓住题干中的关键信息In response to past critics,Twenge and her co-researchers stress they are not trying to prove。文章段落中涉及特文格和她的同事们回应批评者的内容出现在D段。该段第三 、四句谈到,当特文格用这些数据说明屏幕使用时间效应时,一些评论者很快提出质疑,认为其听上去具有因果关系的说法其实是建立在相互关联的数据上的 ,并且没有充分考虑其他潜在因素。紧接着最后一句,This time around “这一次”表示后面是对上述质疑的回应:特文格和她的团队强调他们并非试图证明这个原因,而是在评估其他潜在原因的合理性。文中causes as such指上文B、C段中论述的the most likely cause is the electronic riches we have given them, 即电子设备的使用导致年轻人的幸福感降低。可见,本句是对D段内容的概述。题干中past critics是对原文D段第三、四句的概括;stress是原文make a point of saying的同义转述。
In the last few decades of the 20th century, living standards went up and economic depressions were largely averted in the US.
注意抓住题干中的关键信息living standards went up和economic depressions were largely averted。文章段落中提到生活水平上升和经济萧条得以避免的内容出现在B段 。该段第二、三句提到,从20世纪 60年代到 21世纪初,美国人的平均幸福指数提高了,特别是年轻人。紧接着第四句指出,这反映出一个事实:这几十年来,人们的总体生活水平在上升,全面战争或经济匮乏等大规模的社会创伤得以避免。将这三句话概括一下,就是 “20世纪最后几十年的美国,大规模的社会创伤得以避免,生活水平提高,导致人们幸福感提升”,本题是对此的同义转述。
Contrary to popular belief, doing homework might add to students' wellbeing.
注意抓住题干关键词doing homework。文章段落中提及做作业的内容出现在E段 。该段第四、 五句谈到,体育活动减少、与同龄人见面的次数减少会导致青少年幸福感降低,阅读印刷媒体(报纸)的时间减少、做家庭作业的时间减少也会导致青少年幸福感降低,后者令人惊讶。最后一个发现似乎与另一个流行的假设相矛盾,即正是我们给学生的作业负担过重导致了所有的问题。可见,流行观点是“给 学生的作业负担过重导致了所有的问题”,而研究人员发现的是,做家庭作业的时间减少会降低青少年 的幸福感,那么可以得出结论:与流行观点相反,做作业可能会提高学生的幸福感。本句是对E段此处内 容的合理推断。
The author believes the researchers' new study has gone a step further regarding the impact of screen time wellbeing.
注意抓住题干中的关键信息the researcliers'new study has gone a step further。文章段落中谈及新研究更进一步的相关内容出现在J段。该段最后一句作者表明观点:这项新的研究确实比以前的研究更进一步,指出屏幕使用时间仍应该被认为是阻碍年轻人健康幸福的潜在障碍。也就是说,作者认为,在屏幕使用时间对年轻人幸福感的影响问题上,研究者们的新研究是进步的。本句是对原文的同义转述。
The researchers found that extended screen time makes young people less happy.
注意抓住题干中的关键信息extended screen time makes young people less happy。文章段落中谈到屏幕使用时间长短与年轻人快乐与否的关系的内容出现在F段。该段前半部分首先说到,在数字设备上花费时间很少的青少年幸福感最高,其幸福感甚至比那些从不使用这类设备的人还要高。 紧接着在第四句指出,更长的屏幕使用时间明显与幸福感降低有关。可见,屏幕使用时间延长导致年轻人更加不快乐,本句是原文第四句的同义转述。
Data reveals that economic inequality rather than family income might affect people's wellbeing.
注意抓住题干中的关键信息economic inequality, family income和affect people's wellbeing。文章段落中谈及经济不平等、家庭收入与人们幸福感的关系是在I段 。该段第三句提到,他们发现了一些证据表明,收入不平等等一些粗略的衡量标准与幸福感的变化相关,但具有更直接影响的经济指标,如家庭收入和(使家庭陷入困境的)失业率,与幸福感没有任何关系。 由此可知,影响人们幸福感的是经济上的不平等,而不是家庭收入。题干是对原文I段第三句的同义转述。
Too much screen time is widely believed to be the cause of unhappiness among today's young people.
注意题干说的是“人们普遍认为,屏幕使用时间过长是当今年轻人感到不幸福的原因”。这句话是在提出一种普遍观点,往往出现在文章开头部分,结合题干关键词today's young people可定位到 A段 。该段开头说现在的年轻人所享有令生活在过去的人羡慕的物质利益和法律保护。 紧接着第五、六句转折指出 ,人们越来越怀疑这一切对我们的年轻人来说并非都是好的,最流行的一个解释是,“屏幕使用时间”过长是罪魁祸首。后文借由特文格及其团队的研究来论述屏幕使用时间与幸福感的关系。可见,此处是说人们普遍认为屏幕使用时间过长是当今年轻人感到不幸福的原因。本题对应 A段。