单选题 .  SECTION A MULTIPLE-CHOICE QUESTIONS
    In this section there are four passages followed by fourteen multiple choice questions. For each multiple choice question, there are four suggested answers marked A, B, C and D. Choose the one that you think is the best answer and mark your answers on ANSWER SHEET TWO.
    PASSAGE ONE
    (1)"The world isn't flat," writes Edward Glaeser, "it's paved." At any rate, most of the places where people prefer to dwell are paved. More than half of humanity now lives in cities, and every month 5 million people move from the countryside to a city somewhere in the developing world.
    (2)For Mr Glaeser, a Harvard economist who grew up in Manhattan, this is a happy prospect. He calls cities "our species' greatest invention": proximity makes people more inventive, as bright minds feed off one another, more productive, as scale gives rise to finer degrees of specialisation; and kinder to the planet, as city-dwellers are more likely to go by foot, bus or train than the car-slaves of suburbia and the sticks. He builds a strong case, too, for town-dwelling, drawing on his own research as well as that of other observers of urban life. And although liberally sprinkled with statistics, Triumph of the City is no dry work. Mr Glaeser writes lucidly and spares his readers the equations of his trade.
    (3)What makes some cities succeed? Successful places have in common the ability to attract people and to enable them to collaborate. Yet Mr Glaeser also says they are not like Tolstoy's happy families: those that thrive, thrive in their own ways. Thus Tokyo is a national seat of political and financial power. Singapore embodies a peculiar mix of the free market, state-led industrialisation and paternalism. The well-educated citizenries of Boston, Milan, Minneapolis and New York have found new sources of prosperity when old ones ran out.
    (4)Mr Glaeser is likely to raise hackles in three areas. The first is urban poverty in the developing world. He can see the misery of a slum in Kolkata, Lagos or Rio de Janeiro as easily as anyone else, but believes that "there's a lot to like about urban poverty" because it beats the rural kind. Cities attract the poor with the promise of a better lot than the countryside offers. About three-quarters of Lagos's people have access to safe drinking water; the Nigerian average is less than 30%. Rural West Bengal's poverty rate is twice Kolkata's.
    (5)The second is the height of buildings. Mr Glaeser likes them tall—and it's not just the Manhattanite in him speaking. He likes low-rise neighbourhoods, too, but points out that restrictions on height are also restrictions on the supply of space, which push up the prices of housing and offices. That suits those who own property already, but hurts those who might otherwise move in, and hence perhaps the city as a whole.
    (6)So Mr Glaeser wonders whether central Paris might have benefited from a few skyscrapers. He certainly believes that his hometown should preserve fewer old buildings. And he thinks that cities in developing countries should build up rather than out. New downtown developments in Mumbai, he says, should rise to at least 40 storeys.
    (7)The third, related, area is sprawl, which is promoted, especially in America, by flawed policies nationally and locally. Living out of town may feel green, but it isn't. Americans live too far apart, drive too much and walk too little. The tax-deductibility of mortgage interest encourages people to buy houses rather than rent flats, buy bigger properties rather than smaller ones and therefore to spread out. Minimum plot sizes keep folk out of, say, Marin County, California. He says that spreading Houston has "done a better job of providing affordable housing than all of the progressive reformers on America's East and West coasts."
    (8)Cities need wise government above all else, and they get it too rarely. That is one reason why, from Paris in 1789 to Cairo in 2011, they are sources of political upheaval as well as economic advance. The reader may wonder if Mumbai really would be better off as a city of high-rise slums rather than low-rise ones.
    PASSAGE TWO:
    (1)Imagine that you could rewind the clock 20 years, and you're 20 years younger. How do you feel? Well, if you're at all like the subjects in a provocative experiment by Harvard psychologist Ellen Langer, you actually feel as if your body clock has been turned back two decades. Langer did a study like this with a group of elderly men some years ago, retrofitting an isolated old New England hotel so that every visible sign said it was 20 years earlier. The men—in their late 70s and early 80s—were told not to reminisce about the past, but to actually act as if they had traveled back in time. The idea was to see if changing the men's mindset about their own age might lead to actual changes in health and fitness.
    (2)Langer's findings were stunning: After just one week, the men in the experimental group (compared with controls of the same age) had more joint flexibility, increased dexterity and less arthritis in their hands. Their mental sensitivity had risen measurably, and they had improved posture. Outsiders who were shown the men's photographs judged them to be significantly younger than the controls. In other words, the aging process had in some measure been reversed..
    (3)Though this sounds a bit woo-wooey, Langer and her Harvard colleagues have been running similarly inventive experiments for decades, and the accumulated weight of the evidence is convincing. Her theory, argued in her new book, Counterclockwise, is that we are all victims of our own stereotypes about aging and health. We mindlessly accept negative cultural cues about disease and old age, and these cues shape our serf-concepts and our behavior. If we can shake loose from the negative clichés that dominate our thinking about health, we can "mindfully" open ourselves to possibilities for more productive lives even into old age.
    (4)Consider another of Langer's mindfulness studies, this one using an ordinary optometrist's eye chart. That's the chart with the huge E on top, and descending lines of smaller and smaller letters that eventually become unreadable. Langer and her colleagues wondered: what if we reversed it? The regular chart creates the expectation that at some point you will be unable to read. Would turning the chart upside down reverse that expectation, so that people would expect the letters to become readable? That's exactly what they found. The subjects still couldn't read the tiniest letters, but when they were expecting the letters to get more legible, they were able to read smaller letters than they could have normally. Their expectation—their mindset—improved their actual vision.
    (5)That means that some people may be able to change prescriptions if they change the way they think about seeing. But other health consequences might be more important than that. Here's another study, this one using clothing as a trigger for aging stereotypes. Most people try to dress appropriately for their age, so clothing in effect becomes a cue for ingrained attitudes about age. But what if this cue disappeared? Langer decided to study people who routinely wear uniforms as part of their work life, and compare them with people who dress in street clothes. She found that people who wear uniforms missed fewer days owing to illness or injury, had fewer doctors' visits and hospitalizations, and had fewer chronic diseases—even though they all had the same socioeconomic status. That's because they were not constantly reminded of their own aging by their fashion choices. The health differences were even more exaggerated when Langer looked at affluent people: presumably the means to buy even more clothes provides a steady stream of new aging cues, which wealthy people internalize as unhealthy attitudes and expectations.
    (6)Langer's point is that we are surrounded every day by subtle signals that aging is an undesirable period of decline. These signals make it difficult to age gracefully. Similar signals also lock all of us—regardless of age—into pigeonholes for disease. We are too quick to accept diagnostic categories like cancer and depression, and let them define us.
    (7)That's not to say that we won't encounter illness, bad moods or a stiff back. But with a little mindfulness, we can try to embrace uncertainty and understand that the way we feel today may or may not connect to the way we will feel tomorrow.
    PASSAGE THREE
    (1)When catastrophic floods hit Bangladesh, TNT's emergency-response team was ready. The logistics giant, with headquarters in Amsterdam, has 50 people on standby to intervene anywhere in the world at 48 hours' notice. This is part of a five-year-old partnership with the World Food Program (WFP), the UN's agency that fights hunger. The team has attended to some two dozen emergencies, including the Asian tsunami in 2004. "We're just faster," says Ludo Oelrich, the director of TNT's "Moving the World" program.
    (2)Emergency help is not TNT's only offering. Volunteers do stints around the world on secondment to WFP and staff are encouraged to raise money for the program (they generated euro2.5m last year). There is knowledge transfer, too: TNT recently improved the school-food supply chain in Liberia, increasing WFP's efficiency by 15-20%, and plans to do the same in Congo.
    (3)Why does TNT do these things? "People feel this is a company that does more than take care of the bottom line," says Mr. Oelrich. "It's providing a soul to TNT." In a 2006 staff survey, 68% said the pro-bono activities made them prouder to work at the company. It also helps with recruitment: three out of four graduates who apply for jobs mention the WFP connection. Last year the company came top in the Dow Jones Sustainability Index.
    (4)TNT's experience illustrates several trends in corporate philanthropy. First, collaboration is in, especially with NGOs. Companies try to pick partners with some relevance to their business. For TNT, the food program is a good fit because hunger is in part a logistical problem. Standard Chartered, a bank, is working with the Bangladesh Rural Advancement Committee on microfinance and with other NGOs on a campaign to help 10m blind people.
    (5)Coca-Cola has identified water conservation as critical to its future as the world's largest drinks company. Last June it announced an ambitious collaboration with WWF, a global environmental organization, to conserve seven major freshwater river basins. It is also working with Greenpeace to eliminate carbon emissions from coolers and vending machines. The co-operation is strictly non-financial, but marks a change in outlook. "Ten years ago you couldn't get Coca-Cola and Greenpeace in the same room," says Neville Isdell, its CEO.
    (6)Second, what used to be local community work is increasingly becoming global community work. In the mid-1990s nearly all IBM's philanthropic spending was in America; now 60% is outside. Part of this involves a corporate version of the peace corps: young staff get one-month assignments in the developing world to work on worthy projects. The idea is not only to make a difference on the ground, but also to develop managers who understand how the wider world works.
    (7)Third, once a formal program is in place, it becomes hard to stop. Indeed, it tends to grow, not least because employees are keen. In 1996 KPMG allowed its staff in Britain to spend two hours a month of their paid-for time on work for the community. Crucially for an accountancy firm, the work was given a time code. After a while it came to be seen as a business benefit. The program has expanded to half a day a month and now adds up to 40,000 donated hours a year. And increasingly it is not only inputs that are being measured but outputs as well. Salesforce.com, a software firm, tries to measure the impact of its volunteer programs, which involved 85% of its employees last year.
    (8)All this has meant that straightforward cash donations have become less important. At IBM, in 1993 cash accounted for as much as 95% of total philanthropic giving; now it makes up only about 35%. But cash still matters. When Hank Paulson, now America's treasury secretary, was boss of Goldman Sachs, he was persuaded to raise the amount that the firm chipped in to boost employees' charitable donations. Now it is starting a philanthropy fund aiming for $1 billion to which the partners will be encouraged to contribute a share of their pay. No doubt that is good for the bank's soul.
    PASSAGE FOUR
    (1)Under the 1996 constitution, all 11 of South Africa's official languages "must enjoy equality of esteem and be treated equitably". In practice English, the mother tongue of just 8% of the people, increasingly dominates all the others. Its hegemony may even threaten the long-term survival of the country's African languages, spoken as the mother tongue of 80% of South Africans, despite the government's repeated promises to promote and protect indigenous languages and culture.
    (2)Under apartheid, there were just two official languages, English and Afrikaans, a variant of Dutch with a dash of French, German, Khoisan (spoken by so-called Bushmen and Hottentots), Malay and Portuguese. Pre-colonial African languages were relegated to the black townships and tribal "homelands". Even there, English was often chosen as the medium of education in preference to the inhabitants' mother tongues. Black South Africans increasingly rejected Afrikaans as the language of the main oppressor; English was a symbol of advancement and prestige.
    (3)Today, 16 years after the advent of black-majority rule, English reigns supreme. Not only is it the medium of business, finance, science and the internet, but also of government, education, broadcasting, the press, advertising, street signs, consumer products and the music industry. For such things Afrikaans is also occasionally used, especially in the Western Cape province, but almost never an African tongue. The country's Zulu-speaking president, Jacob Zuma, makes all his speeches in English. Parliamentary debates are in English. Even the instructions on bottles of prescription drugs come only in English or Afrikaans.
    (4)Yet most black South Africans are not proficient in English. This is because most of their teachers give lessons in a language that is not their own. To give non-English-speaking children a leg-up, the government agreed last year that all pupils should be taught in their mother tongue for at least the first three years of primary school. But outside the rural areas, where one indigenous language prevails, this is neither financially nor logistically feasible.
    (5)Some people suggest reducing the number of official languages to a more manageable three: English, Afrikaans and Zulu, the mother tongue of nearly a quarter of South Africans. But non-Zulus would object. Unless brought up on a farm, few whites speak an African language. For the school-leaving exam, proficiency in at least two languages is required. But most native English-speakers opt for Afrikaans, said to be easy to learn, rather than a useful but harder African tongue. At universities African-language departments are closing.
    (6)Some effort is being made to protect African languages from this apparently inexorable decline. The Sunday Times, South Africa's biggest-selling weekend paper, recently launched a Zulu edition. In September the Oxford University Press brought out the first isiZulu-English dictionary in more than 40 years.
    (7)Many of the black elite, who send their children to English-speaking private schools or former white state schools, may accept English emerging as the sole national language. Many talk English to their children at home. Fluency in the language of Shakespeare is regarded as a sign of modernity, sophistication and power.
    (8)Will South Africa's black languages suffer the fate of the six languages brought by the country's first Indian settlers 150 years ago? Maybe so, thinks Rajend Mesthrie at the University of Cape Town. For the first 100-odd years, he says, South Africa's Indians taught and spoke to their children in their native tongues. But English is now increasingly seen as "the best way forward". Today most young Indians speak only English or are bilingual in English and Afrikaans, though they may continue to chat at home in a kind of pidgin English mixed with Indian and Zulu.1.  The sentence in the first paragraph "The world isn't fiat...it's paved." implies that ______.(PASSAGE ONE)
【正确答案】 B
【答案解析】 题干给出定位在第1段。
   根据第1段第2,3句可知,大部分人类喜爱居住的地方都是人类铺起来的。故选项B正确。
   细节判断题。受惯性思维影响容易误选A,由常识可知,地球不是平的,而是一个球体,但此处的flat明显不是此意。该句没有对比城市生活和乡村生活的优劣,故可排除C、D。
[参考译文]
   PASSAGE ONE
   (1)“世界本不是平的,”爱德华·格莱泽如是写道,“是被铺平的。”至少大部分人类喜爱居住的地方都是铺起来的。如今一半以上的人类居住在城市。每个月发展中国家有500万人从农村搬到城市。
   (2)在曼哈顿长大的哈佛大学经济学家格莱泽认为,这是个美好的前景。他把城市称为“我们这一物种最伟大的发明”:由于城市人口密集,伟大的思想互相促进,使得人们更加有创造力;生产规模扩大,促进专业分工,有利于提高生产效率;城市居民更多地选择步行,乘坐公交或火车,不像郊区居民那样过分依赖私家车,有利于环境保护。通过自身研究和借鉴其他城市生活观察家的研究,格莱泽对城市生活的优势作出了强有力的论证。虽然全文充满统计数据,《城市的胜利》读来却不枯燥。格菜泽的文章清晰易懂,略去了艰涩难懂的计算公式。
   (3)为什么有些城市成功了?成功的城市有个共同点,即能够吸引人们入住并促使人们互相合作。然而格莱泽也同时认为,并非像托尔斯泰笔下的幸福家庭那样家家相似,每个成功的城市都各有各的成功之道。因此,东京是日本的政治和金融中心。新加坡则奇妙地混合了自由市场,国家主导的工业化和家长式管理。在波士顿,在米兰,在明尼阿波里斯,在纽约,一旦旧的繁荣的源头枯竭,受过良好教育的居民总能寻觅到新的繁荣之源。
   (4)格莱泽很可能会在以下三个方面引起争议。首先是发展中国家城市的贫困现象。在印度的加尔各答,尼日利亚的拉各斯,或者巴西的里约热内卢的贫民窟里,民不聊生,和其他所有人一样,格莱泽对这一点心知肚明,但却认为“城市的贫困现象还是有喜人之处的”,因为好歹强过农村的贫困问题。城市吸引贫困人口,因为相对于农村,城市可能会给人们带来更好的命运。拉各斯约四分之三的人口能够获得安全的饮用水,而尼日利亚的全国平均水平还不到30%。孟加拉西部农村的贫困人口比例是加尔各答的两倍。
   (5)第二个方面是建筑的高度。格莱泽喜欢高层建筑,并且,用他的话说,并不只是在曼哈顿。格莱泽也喜欢低层的住宅区,但同时指出,限制建筑高度的同时其实也限制了空间供给,从而导致住房和写字楼价格上涨。这对已经拥有房产的人来说是件好事,但伤害了那些本来准备买房入住的人,因此从整体上来说损害城市的发展。
   (6)所以格莱泽试图了解,巴黎市中心的摩天大楼是否使其获益。他当然认为曼哈顿应该少保留些老旧建筑。他还认为发展中国家的城市不该向外扩建,而该多建高楼。孟买市中心的新楼房至少应该建40层,他如是说。
   (7)第三个方面是由国家和地方政策缺陷引起的无计划的城市扩张,特别是在美国。住在郊区或许听起来挺环保,但事实并非如此。美国人住处相隔太远,驾车多,步行少。按揭型息减税政策下,比起租房,人们更愿意买房,比起小房子,更愿意买大房子,城市也因此获得扩张。土地规模有限,迫使人口向郊区流动,比如加州的马林郡。在格莱泽看来,休斯顿在扩张中,“在提供经济适用房方面,比美国东西海岸城市扩张的先进改革者做得都要好”。
   (8)城市最需要的是英明的政府,可是英明的政府太少了。也正因为如此,城市带来经济发展的同时,也孕育了政治动乱,如1789年的巴黎和2011年的开罗。读者们或许会想知道,如果孟买贫民窟的房子建的高些,状况会不会好些。
   PASSAGE TWO
   (1)想象一下你将时钟往回拔20年,然后自己年轻了20岁。你会感觉如何呢?哈佛大学心理学教授艾伦·兰格曾做过一项颇具争议性的实验,如果你像实验中的受试者的话,你就会真的觉得你的生物钟也回到了二十年前。几年前,兰格对一群老年人做了这样的研究:她改建了一个远离城镇的老式新英格兰旅馆,所有可看到的标志都写着是20年前。接受实验的老年人都是接近80岁,或者80岁出头。兰格让他们不要回忆过去,而是让自己真的觉得回到了过去,并像过去那样生活。研究的目的是想知道,如果改变了人们对自己年龄的心态,能否引起其健康方面的实际变化。
   (2)兰格的实验结果令人震惊:实验进行仅仅一周后,与同年龄的对照组相比,实验组中的老人关节更灵活,手更灵巧,而且关节炎的发病率也降低了。他们的思维明显更敏锐了,身姿也更矫健了。外人看到他们的照片会觉得他们比对照组的人明显年轻。换言之,衰老进程在一定程度上得到了扭转。
   (3)虽然这听起来有点不可思议,但几十年来,兰格和她在哈佛的同事们一直在进行这类很有创意的实验,而且积累的实验数据具有很强的说服力。她在自己的新书《逆时针》中提出这样的理论:我们都对衰老和健康有一些固化的印象和看法,并深受其害。我们不知不觉地接受着关于疾病和衰老的消极文化暗示,而这些暗示又影响了我们的自我意识和行为。这些负面的陈腐思想主导着我们对健康的观念,如果我们能够从中摆脱出来,那么即使已步入老年,我们也能够有意识地敞开心扉去迎接更富有成就的生活。
   (4)看看兰格的另一个关于意识的研究,这个研究用的是一个普通的视力表。这个表的最顶端是一个巨大的E,依次往下字母越来越小,最后无法辨认。兰格和她的同事感到好奇:如果把表倒过来会怎么样?正常的视力袁会让你想着到了某一点你就看不到了。那将表倒过来会扭转这种预期,使得人们期待能够看到后面的字母吗?这正是艾伦他们的发现。那些实验受试者虽然仍不能看清最小的字母,但是当他们期待字母会变得越来越清楚的时候,他们能够辨认出比使用正常视力表时更小的字母。他们的期望,或者说他们的心态,改善了他们的实际视力。
   (5)这就意味着,如果人们改变对于视力的思维方式,那么他们就能改变他们的视力测量结果。但是其他的健康结果可能比这个更重要。还有另一个研究,该研究用衣服来引起关于衰老的刻板看法。大多数人都想穿适合自己年龄的衣服,因此衣服实际上暗示了人们对年龄根深蒂固的态度。但是,如果这种暗示消失了会怎么样呢?于是,兰格决定对那些工作时经常穿制服的人进行研究。他将常穿制服的人与那些穿休闲服的人进行比较,她发现那些穿制服的人很少因为生病或者受伤而请假,他们很少看医生,很少住院,并且很少患有慢性疾病,尽管他们与那些穿休闲服的人拥有相同的社会经济条件。这是因为他们没有通过选择时装来不断提醒自己的衰老。当兰格对富人进行研究时,这种健康差异更为明显:有条件买更多的衣服可能会不断带来新的衰老暗示,富人会将其内化为不健康的态度和预期。
   (6)兰格的观点是,每天我们都被微妙的暗示所包围,这些暗示让我们觉得衰老意味着衰退,令人生厌。这些暗示使我们很难优雅地变老。类似的暗示把我们困在了疾病的分类架上。我们总是太容易接受疾病的诊断分类,如癌症和抑郁症等,并且让这些疾病定义我们的健康状态。
   (7)这并不是说我们不会遇到疾病、坏情绪或者腰酸背痛。但如果我们稍微有心一点,我们便可以包容生活中一些不确定的东西,明白我们今天的感受和明天的感受可能有关系,也可能没有关系。
   PASSAGE THREE
   (1)当洪灾袭击孟加拉国时,TNT物流公司的应急小组反应极为迅速。作为总部设在阿姆斯特丹的物流业巨头,TNT公司有50名员工是在48小时内待命,时刻准备参与世界各地的救灾抢险任务。这不过是同世界粮食计划署(联合国的下属机构)一起为消除全球饥饿问题而努力的5年合作的部分项目而已。应急小组已参与紧急救助行动约24次,包括2004年的亚洲海啸。“我们更为迅速,”TNT公司“感动世界”项目的主管卢多·奥尔里奇如此认为。
   (2)紧急救助并非TNT公司的唯一奉献。志愿者听从世界粮食计划署的调遣,参与世界各地的工作。同时,员工还被鼓励为世界粮食计划署筹集资金(他们曾于去年筹集到250万欧元)。除此以外,还有知识转移:TNT公司已于最近改善了利比里亚学校的食物供应流程,这令世界粮食计划署的工作效率提高15-20%。TNT公司也正计划把这一做法推广到刚果地区。
   (3)TNT公司为何要采取如此做法呢?“人们能够感觉到这并非是一个只注重盈利的企业,”奥尔里奇先生对此解释道,“它正赋予TNT公司以灵魂”。据2006年的一份员工调查显示,68%的人表示:支持公益活动可使他们在公司工作更为自豪。此外,支持公益活动还有利招募员工:在应聘工作的毕业生中,有3/4的学生会提及世界粮食计划署。去年,TNT公司在道琼斯可持续性指数(Dow Jones Sustainability Index)行业组中位列榜首。
   (4)TNT公司的经验表明在企业慈善方面存在几种趋势。其一,在企业慈善中存在合作,特别是同非政府组织间的合作。企业应尽力选择同自身相关的组织作为合作伙伴。对TNT公司而言,世界粮食计划署是一个不错的合作伙伴,因为饥饿是物流问题中的一部分。目前,渣打银行在小额信贷方面也正与孟加拉国农村促进委员会展开合作,同时还与其他非政府组织共同活动,旨在帮助1000万位盲人。
   (5)可口可乐已认定节约用水对公司称霸饮料行业的未来至关重要。去年6月,可口可乐公司就曾宣布一项雄心勃勃的计划:与世界自然基金会(一个全球性的环保组织)合作,旨在保护全球七大主要淡水流域。同时,可口可乐公司还正与绿色和平组织就消减来自冷却器和自动售货机的碳排放量而努力。虽然这项合作是严守非财务性质的,却标志着企业眼光的转变。“10年前,你不可能使可口可乐公司和绿色和平组织共同处事,”可口可乐首席执行官内维尔·艾斯戴尔(Neville Isdell)说道。
   (6)其二,以往是地方性的社区工作正日益成为全球性的社区工堡。在20世纪90年代中期,IBM的所有慈善支出几乎都是用在国内,而现在则有60%的支出是用在国外。这部分还包括用在企业版的维和团队上:年轻员工被派往发展中国家在高尚的工程项目上执行为期一个月的任务。此类做法不仅对实际工作有所影响,而且也有利培养那些了解大千世界是如何运作的管理人员。
   (7)其三,正式方案一旦妥当,也就很难止步。事实上,这种趋势在逐步上升,尤其是因为员工们的热心。在1996年,毕马威会计事务所准许在英国的员工为社区每月带薪工作两小时。此项工作还加上了时间规定,而这对会计事务所却至关重要。不久,这又被看作是一项商业利益。该方案已增加到每月半天,而现在一年贡献的时间共计4万小时。不只是投入,而且产出也正日益受到衡量。去年,软件公司salesforce.com努力调研公司志愿者计划的影响,去年所涉及的雇员就有85%。
   (8)所有这一切已意味着直接的现金捐款已变得没有那么重要了。IBM在1993年慈善捐款总数的95%是以现金捐助,而现在只占约35%。而事实上,现金捐助在当前仍很要紧。现任美国财政部部长的汉克·保尔森曾是高盛公司的董事长,他就曾被说服提高公司的款项,去出钱鼓励员工进行慈善捐款。现在,该公司的慈善基金正向10亿美元的目标行进,而合作伙伴将被鼓励捐献他们薪酬中的一部分。此种做法对银行的核心价值再好不过,这是不容置疑的。
   PASSAGE FOUR
   (1)在1996年的宪法规定下,南非所有11种官方语言都“必须享有同等的尊重和公正的对待”。而实际情况是,英语——作为世界上80%的人的母语,越来越占据统治地位。尽管政府三番四次保证会推广和保护本土语言和文化,英语的霸主地位甚至对非洲语(80%的南非人以此为母语)的长期存活造成了威胁。
   (2)在种族隔离时期,南非仅有两种官方语,即英语和南非荷兰语,后者是荷兰语的变体,混合了法语、德语、克瓦桑语族(所谓的布须曼人和霍屯督人说的语言)以及马来语和葡萄牙语。前殖民时代,非洲的语言转为被黑人和部落里的人使用。即便在那里,他们也更青睐于选英语作为教育的语言,而不是他们的母语。越来越多的南非黑人不说南非荷兰语,因为他们认为这是压迫者所说的语言;英语则是文明和声望的象征。
   (3)现如今,来到这个以黑人为主的国家16年后,英语变得最为盛行。英语不仅是商业、金融、科学和网络的语言媒介,也是政府、教育、广播、新闻、广告、路牌、消费产品和音乐产业的语言媒介。南非荷兰语虽然偶尔也有人说,特别是在西开普省一带,但基本上都不是出于非洲人之口。南非总统雅各布·祖马,虽然本族语是祖鲁语,但是他所有的演讲都是使用英语。议会辩论也用英语。甚至瓶装药的药方说明不是英语的就是南非荷兰语。
   (4)然而,大多数南非人并不精通英语。这是因为大多数教他们的老师本身的母语也不是英语。去年,为了帮助不讲英语的孩子,政府同意小学的前三年所有学生都应该用母语来教。即便某种本土语在乡村盛行,但在乡村之外的地方,这项政策在经济上和逻辑上都是不可行的。
   (5)有些人建议说将官方语言减少到三种:英语,南非荷兰语和祖鲁语(南非近1/4的人口母语为祖鲁语),这样更利于管理。但是不讲祖鲁语的那些人会反对。如若不是在农场上长大,基本上很少有南非白人会讲非洲语。毕业考试要求至少精通两种语言,但大多数当地讲英语的人会选择南非荷兰语,他们说南非荷兰语很好学,而不会选择有用但难学的非洲语。大学的非语系也逐渐不开了。
   (6)为了阻止非洲语这种无情的衰落状况,各方正付出一些努力。南非销量最高的周末报——《星期天时报》最近发行了一期祖鲁语版的报纸。9月份,牛津大学出版社也在40多年的努力后,首次出版了祖鲁语-英语词典。
   (7)许多黑人精英分子将孩子送去讲英语的私立学校或者前白人公立学校,他们或许可以接受英语成为南非的唯一语言。他们中很多人在家里也用英语同孩子交谈。拥有一口流利的英语被视为现代、高雅和权力的标志。
   (8)150年前第一批来到南非的印第安移民们所带来的那六种语言已经消失不见,南非的黑人语言会不会也遭此命运?开普敦大学的Rajend Mesthrie认为可能会。他说,在一开始的100多年里,南非的印第安人用土著话教育他们的孩子,和他们交谈。然而,现在,越来越多的人视英语为“发展的最佳语言”。如今,许多年轻的印第安人只讲英语,或者同时讲英语和南非荷兰语,尽管在家闲聊时,可能会继续使用夹杂着印第安语和祖鲁语的混杂英语。