Shortly after September 11th, President Bushes father observed that just as Pearl Harbor awakened this country from the notion that we could somehow avoid the call of duty to defend freedom in Europe and Asia in World War Two, so, too, should this most recent surprise attack erase the concept in some quarters that America can somehow go it alone in the fight against terrorism or in anything else for that matter. But America"s allies have begun to wonder whether that is the lesson that has been learned—or whether the Afghanistan campaign"s apparent success shows that unilateralism works just fine. The United States, that argument goes, is so dominant that it can largely afford to go it alone. It is true that no nation since Rome has loomed so large above the others, but even Rome eventually collapsed. Only a decade ago, the conventional wisdom lamented an America in decline. Bestseller lists featured books that described America"s fall. Japan would soon become "Number One". That view was wrong at the time, and when I wrote "Bound to Lead" in 1989, I, like others, predicted the continuing rise of American power. But the new conventional wisdom that America is invincible is equally dangerous if it leads to a foreign policy that combines unilateralism, arrogance and parochialism. A number of advocates of "realist" international-relations theory have also expressed concern about America"s staying power. Throughout history, coalitions of countries have arisen to balance dominant powers, and the search for traditional shifts in the balance of power and new state challengers is well under way. Some see China as the new enemy; others envisage a Russia-China-India coalition as the threat. But even if China maintains high growth rates of 6% while the United States achieves only 20%, it will not equal the United States in income per head until the last half of the century. Still others see a uniting Europe as a potential federation that will challenge the United States for primacy. But this forecast depends on a high degree of European political unity, and a low state of transatlantic relations. Although realists raise an important point about the leveling of power in the international arena, their quest for new cold-war-style challengers is largely barking up the wrong tree. They are ignoring deeper changes in the distribution and nature of power in the contemporary world. The paradox of American power in the 21st century is that the largest power since Rome cannot achieve its objectives unilaterally in a global information age.
单选题 The author begins his article with George Bush"s father"s words
【正确答案】 B
【答案解析】解析:题干问:"作者以乔治.布什父亲的话开篇,目的是…"。从文章第一句话的中心可以看出作者以乔治.布什父亲的话开篇,目的是"批判美国人的单边主义",答案选项表达了此意。而选项"警告恐怖袭击的厄运","号召美国人捍卫自己的自由"以及"显示美国人的经济霸权"皆不符合题意。
单选题 The advocates of realist international relations tend to think that
【正确答案】 A
【答案解析】解析:题干问:"现实主义者对于国际关系的倡导,他们认为是…"。现实主义者认为国际关系的倡导"潜在的联盟将对美国的霸权产生一种挑战",这是作者在文章中批判的态度,答案选项表达了此意。而选项"日本是美国应该效仿的一个积极的榜样","在信息时代,美国应该继续维持它的持有力"以及"美国完全可以单边地反对恐怖主义"都不是国际关系倡导的观点,皆不符合题意。
单选题 The attitude of those who are "barking up the wrong tree" towards the primacy of US in the 21st century seems to be
【正确答案】 D
【答案解析】解析:题干问:"那些咬错了树的人,他们对21世纪美国的霸权…"。根据原文,他们对美国的霸权持有的是一种"担忧的;揣测不安的"的态度,答案选项表达了此意。而选项"冷漠的","乐观的"以及"义愤填膺的"皆与原文意思不符。
单选题 The example of a Russia-China-India coalition is used to show
【正确答案】 C
【答案解析】解析:题干问:"作者引用俄-中-印度同盟这个例子是为了说明…"。根据原文的中心,作者引用俄-中-印度同盟这个例子是为了说明他们之间的"潜在的联盟关系",答案选项表达了此意。而选项"傲慢的表现","帝国的楷模"以及"挑战者的倡导"皆与原文意思不符。
单选题 What does the author think of unilateralism?
【正确答案】 D
【答案解析】解析:题干问:"作者对单边主义的看法是…"。根据原文,作者认为对于单边主义"一定要认真地看待和对待",答案选项表达了此意。而选项"它暗示着权力","应该热情地去追求",以及"它仅次于恐怖主义"皆不符合原文题意。