Passage 6
At the university where I teach, fewer and fewer new books are available from the library in their physical, printed from. And yet, the company that just published my textbook tells me that about 90 percent of students who buy my book choose to lug around the four-pound paper version rather than purchase the weightless e-book. So why would students opt for the pricier and more cumbersome version? Is the library missing something important about the nature of printed versus electronic books?
Cognitive research shows that the way we read varies widely in different settings, with text acting as a prompt for very different kinds of mental pursuits. While reading, it’s possible, among other things, to generate strong visual images based on the text, to marshal arguments against the author’s main point, to speculate about the motivations of characters, to connect the text to personal experiences, to form an opinion, or to notice the sensory and aesthetic qualities of the text, to name just a few. Not all of these take place every time you read, so there is not just one activity called “reading,” done either poorly or well.
A growing body of research shows that the same information can trigger very different thoughts depending on the cognitive goals that people have in mind. Readers can be instructed to created vivid imagery or to learn over time to make deeper inferences, both of which lead to better retention of the material they’ve read. And when readers are told to form an impression of people they’re reading about rather than to read for the purpose of memorizing the text, they organize the information from the text less haphazardly and are able to recall more of it.
Cognitive goals can also be unintentionally triggered by cues that never even enter a reader’s awareness. So, just as people can be told to form an impression of a character they read about, they can also be prompted to unconsciously pursue the same goal. In one study, researchers asked people to unscramble sentences that contained words were subliminally flashed at subjects before they took part in the reading task. In both of these studies, simply seeing words related to the goal of character assessment affected readers in much the same way as asking them explicitly to judge character.
The emerging research on cognitive goals and their triggers offers an intriguing way to think about why reading the same text in different formats or even styles of presentation might engage the mind in such different ways. A hardcopy textbook—including its four-pound heft—may serve as a powerful cue that sets off cognitive activities that are very distinct from those that are involved in reading your Twitter feed or thumbing through a paperback romance novel. Through its lifelong associations with classrooms and the intellectual calisthenics that take place there, a physical tome may spark a self-analytical frame of mind, prompting you to take stock of your understanding, rereading passages to fill in gaps, and constantly “testing” yourself on your mastery of the material.
The research should also motivate publishers—especially of online text—to think deeply about how elements of presentation and design can serve as signals to nudge the reader into the mental activities that do justice to the text. For example, an online literary mag that looks like a page from BuzzFeed may leave readers with limp, unsatisfying experiences simply because it’s too hard to arouse the contemplative and sensory goals that lead to properly savoring its content. The magazine needs to signal that a different kind of reading is called for, perhaps by borrowing some of the elements that poets have long used to cue readers to pay close attention to the langue of a poem: stripping away graphic distractions, formatting text sparsely and unconventionally, and surrounding it with generous swaths of empty space.
Understanding how reading works means abandoning the idea that the presentation of a text is as inconsequential as whether a plate of food is served with a sprig of decorative parsley. In fact, the packaging of text likely contains rich implicit instructions for what we do with it.
It can be inferred from Paragraph 2 that ______.
根据第二段中的“While reading, it’s possible, among other things, to generate strong visual images based on the text...to name just a few.”可知,在我们阅读过程中会产生一连串复杂的心理活动,故选C。
What does the author want to say by mentioning the two studies in Paragraph 4?
根据第四段第一句“Cognitive goals can also be unintentionally triggered by cues that never even enter a reader’s awareness.”可知,认知目标也可能是由一些从未进入读者意识的线索无意中触发的,其后就列举了 这两项实验。即作者想通过这两项研究证明认知目标可以在无意中被触发。故选D。
What is the role of Paragraph 5 in relation to the preceding two paragraphs?
根据倒数第三段第一句“The emerging research on cognitive goals and their triggers offers an intriguing way to think about why reading the same text in different formats or even styles of presentation might engage the mind in such different ways.”可知,关于认知目标及其触发因素的研究让人们思考,为什么以不同格式或风 格阅读同一篇文章可能会带给人不同感知。之后的段落对这一问题继续展开论述。所以该段是承上启下的 过渡段。故选C。
What suggestion does the author make in Paragraph 6?
根据第六段中“The research should also motivate publishers...to think deeply about how elements of presentation...”及“The magazine needs to signal that a different kind of reading is called for...”可知,作者认为出 版商需要注意文本格式的重要性。故选A。
What is the theme of the passage?
通读本文,作者先由购买实体书比电子书的学生多这一现象引出本文话题,探讨了文本格式、风格 等对读者认知思考的影响,指出文本呈现方式十分重要。故选D。