单选题
They barely dare say it, but the doctors are
strangely confident: after a long illness, the euro may be recovering. This
week's all-night surgery by finance ministers to excise a festering lump of
Greek debt went better than expected. "We have put in place almost all of the
elements we need to make the crisis gradually go away," says one. "We may be
beyond the acute phase, and could be making the transition to normalisation." It
is the optimism of despair: the patient has not died, so must be
improving. Many are sceptical. But consider the evidence.
Greece may now stabilise. It must meet conditions to get its money and will
endure pain for years. But the risk of chaotic default and exit from the euro
has receded. Private creditors have taken a big loss, yet the markets are muted.
Elsewhere the signs are good. Italy is reforming, as is Spain. Most European
Union countries have agreed to a new fiscal compact that will strengthen budget
discipline. The European Central Bank (ECB) has averted a credit crunch by
injecting liquidity into banks. And the defences against contagion may soon be
boosted. On March 1 EU leaders will debate calls to enlarge their rescue fund by
half. This could prompt others to pay more into the IMF, which would also
help. The recession this year is now forecast to be short-lived
and mild. The euro zone's temperature chart—the spread of bond yields over
German bunds—is gradually narrowing. For the first time in six months, a week
has passed without the ECB making emergency bond purchases. So
is the crisis over? Not so fast, say critics. Start, again,
with Greece. Far from curing the patient, the medicine is coming close to
killing it. Its slump (a cumulative contraction of 16% of GDP and shrinking) may
enter the record books. The pressure to chase an ever-receding deficit target
has created a death spiral. Success will be slow and take a generation; failure
will be an ever-present risk. The programme is "accident-prone", says a leaked
assessment by EU and IMF experts. Any number of problems—deeper recession,
slower privatisation, fewer structural reforms—could bust the forecast that
Greek debt should drop to 120% of GDP by 2020. This threshold was chosen for
political reasons: it is roughly Italy's debt ratio. Yet Italy is hardly
healthy; it too struggles to convince investors that its debt is
sustainable. In several countries, fiscal and structural
reforms are still at a fragile stage. They could provoke stronger opposition,
particularly if they are seen to be imposed by foreigners. Greek newspapers'
depiction of German leaders in Nazi uniform, and German tabloid calls to throw
Greece out of the euro, show how tempers can fray. Better market sentiment may
be down to nothing more than the aspirin from the ECB. Liquidity is more like a
painkiller than a cure, and the ECB is itself worried about creating an
addiction to cheap money. Creditor countries have criticised, with reason, the
{{U}}fecklessness{{/U}} of those they have rescued. But they have been slow to admit
their own errors, not least delay and excessive austerity as the cure for
excessive deficits. They have yet to fix the instability of a currency union
built on an incompatible triad: no bail-out, no default and no exit.
The second bail-out for Greece implicitly recognises some of the errors
in the first one. It softens the deficit target for 2012 and puts more emphasis
on overhauling the sclerotic economy through structural reforms. It is striking
that, even after this, the "tough" IMF wants to ease up on budget cuts whereas
the "soft" EU remains mulish about sticking to austerity. Conversely, it has
taken the EU too long to accept standard IMF practice: when a country is bust
its debt must be restructured. The euro zone has vacillated between ineffective
bail-out and ineffective bail-in. Its first Greek rescue was too short-term and
exacted punitive interest rates. Loose talk of future debt-restructuring
("private sector involvement") at a Franco-German summit in Deauville in October
2010 served only to alarm markets. The ECB's former president,
Jean-Claude Trichet, resisted all attempts to make Greece's creditors take a
hit. When he finally yielded a bit last summer, the euro zone negotiated a timid
21% loss in the lifetime of the bonds, for fear of triggering a "credit event".
Tougher negotiation has now made creditors take a more realistic 75% loss. The
ECB, now led by Mario Draghi, has even chipped in some money, indirectly, by
surrendering profits it would have made on Greek bonds it bought at a discount.
The euro zone has also softened the terms of its loans to Greece.
An end to quack remedies is welcome, though it may have come too late for
Greece. Had today's policies been adopted from the outset, the Greek crisis
might have been controlled sooner, the adjustment for debtors might have been
less onerous, and the cost to creditors might have been lower. That said,
mistakes were to be expected, particularly when the euro zone was both badly
designed and ill-prepared for a crisis. Fear of catastrophe has
forced EU leaders to think more clearly. Debtors know they must reform, and
creditors know they must help. The first hints of stabilisation, if that is what
is happening, may even bring new problems. Will a reduction of market pressure
slow weaker countries' long and painful march to reform? Will stronger ones
ignore the design flaws that make the single currency needlessly
unstable? A hopeful prognosis makes sense only if leaders use a
moment of relief to push through structural reforms, remove barriers to the
single market, enhance the firewall against contagion and move towards greater
fiscal union. One lesson of this week is that, faced with market meltdown,
politicians from both debtors and creditors will compromise. But another is that
the euro crisis is still far from being resolved for good.
单选题
Why are some skeptical about the saying that the condition is
improving?
A. Greek must meet conditions to get its money and will endure pain for
years.
B. Most EU countries have agreed to a new fiscal compact to strengthen
budget discipline.
C. The ECB has averted a credit crunch by injecting liquidity into
banks.
D. On March 1 EU leaders will debate calls to enlarge their rescue fund by
half.
【正确答案】
A
【答案解析】
单选题
What does the word "fecklessness" in Paragraph 6 mean?
A. Without mercy or pity.
B. Actively or fully engaged or occupied.
C. Worthlessness due to being feeble and ineffectual.
D. Incongruous; inviting ridicule.
【正确答案】
C
【答案解析】
单选题
According to the passage, which of the following statements is NOT
true?
A. The second bail-out for Greece made differences from the first one.
B. The recent decision lends optimism to Greek debt.
C. Liquidity bettered the condition but it may create an addiction to cheap
money.
D. Politicians from neither debtors nor creditors will compromise.
【正确答案】
D
【答案解析】
单选题
Critics say that crisis is far from being over because
A. an end to quack remedies is welcome, though it may have come too late for
Greece
B. a hopeful prognosis makes sense only if leaders use a moment of relief to
push through structural reforms, remove barriers to the single market, enhance
the firewall against contagion and move towards greater fiscal union
C. success will be slow and take a generation; failure will be an
ever-present risk
D. the first hints of stabilization, if that is what is happening, may even
bring new problems
【正确答案】
B
【答案解析】
单选题
What is the author's opinion towards the debt crisis in Europe?