单选题 Many in the Middle East have difficulty in adjusting themselves to the new situation created by the departure of the imperial powers. For the first time in almost 200 years, the rulers and people of the Middle East have to accept the final responsibility for their own affairs, to make their own mistakes and to accept the consequences. This is difficult to internalize, even to perceive, after so long a period. For the entire lifetimes of those who formulate and conduct policy at the present time and of their predecessors for many generations, vital decisions were made elsewhere, ultimate control lay elsewhere, and the principal task of statesmanship and diplomacy was as far as possible to avoid or reduce the dangers of this situation and to exploit such opportunities as it might from time to time offer. It is very difficult to forsake the habits not just of a lifetime but of a whole era of history. The difficulty is much greater when alien cultural, social and economic preeminence continues and even increases, despite the ending of alien political and military domination.
Military and to a growing extent political intervention by the West has indeed ended, but the impact of its science and culture, its technology, amenities and institutions remains and even increases. As in other parts of the non-Western world, this impact has been and will be enormous. In these circumstances, it is natural that Middle Easterners should continue to assume—and proceed on the assumption—that real responsibility and decision still lie elsewhere. In its crudest form, this belief leads to wild and strange conspiracy theories directed against those whom they regard as their enemies—Israel, and more generally the Jews, the United States, and more generally the West. No theory is too absurd to be asserted or too preposterous to be widely and instantly believed. Even among more responsible statesmen and analysts, a similar belief in alien power, albeit in a less crude form, often seems to guide both analysis and policy. Some even go so far as to invite outside intervention, presumable in the belief that only outside powers have the capacity to make and enforce decisions. A case in point is the constant appeal to the United States to involve itself in the Arab Israel conflict, oddly coupled with the repeated accusation of "American imperialism. "
This state of mind is likely to continue for some time, with appeals for support or even intervention to the United States, to Russia and even to the European Union. In time, no doubt, Middle Eastern governments and people will learn how to use this window of opportunity to the best advantage—that is, of course, if the window remains open long enough.

单选题 The word "this" in the third sentence of Paragraph 1 refers to______.
【正确答案】 D
【答案解析】[考点] 推理判断
[解析] 本题考查考生根据上下文中的具体细节内容进行推理判断的能力。第一段前两句提出帝国主义列强离开中东之后的新形势让很多人很难适应。在将近200年以后,中东国家的统治者和人民第一次不得不为自己的事务承担最终责任,为自己所犯的错误承担后果。紧接着第三句提出经过这么长的时间,要适应这一点绝非易事,甚至是意识到这一点也不容易。可以推知选项D为正确答案。
[干扰项分析] 根据前文,可以得知中东国家不适应的是帝国主义列强离开后不得不为自己的事务承担最终责任这个事实,所以选项A、B错误。选项C过于宽泛,后果可能很多,但是让中东人不适应的,文中只提到不得不为自己的事务承担责任这一点,因此选项C错误。
单选题 The Middle Eastern countries were at a loss after the departure of the imperial powers because______.
【正确答案】 B
【答案解析】[考点] 推理判断
[解析] 本题考查考生根据上下文中的具体细节内容进行推理判断的能力。根据第一段,在中东对于目前制定时事政策的人以及他们的好几代先人来说,在他们一生的成长过程中,重大决定都来自于外部(即:由统治他们的外国势力决定),最终的控制权也来自于外部,政治家和外交家的主要任务是尽量避免或减少这种形势的威胁,并利用有时可能出现的机会。抛弃一生或一个历史时代形成的习惯是很难的。当外来文化、社会和经济势力还起着主导作用,甚至还在增加时,这种困难更大,虽然外来的政治和军事控制已经结束。从这段分析中考生可以看出中东人不习惯于自己主宰自己的事务,主要是因为过去依赖外来势力的统治。因此选项B为正确答案。
[干扰项分析] 选项A,全文都是围绕中东人还不能适应帝国主义列强离开后的新形势进行的,并没有提到中东的落后与否,因此错误。选项c,第二段最后一句中指出一个典型的例证就是经常要求美国介入阿以冲突,可知并非是帝国主义的离开使得他们卷入战争,而是他们在冲突中经常要求美国介入,因此错误。选项D,帝国主义列强离开后出现混乱局面是因为中东人过去一直依赖外部势力做出和执行决定,现在要他们自己为自己的事务负责,他们还不能适应这种新形势,所以出现混乱,并不能说这种混乱是帝国主义列强留给他们的,而且文中也没具体指出帝国主义列强到底给他们留下了什么,因此错误。
单选题 It is natural for Middle Easterners to assume that______.
【正确答案】 D
【答案解析】[考点] 事实细节
[解析] 本题考查对原文细节的准确理解。第二段最后三句提到,甚至连那些更有责任心的政治家和分析家也相信外来力量的作用——尽管形式已经与过去不一样,这似乎左右着他们的分析和政策。有人甚至要求外来势力的干预,这样做也许是因为他们相信,只有外来力量才能做出并实施决策。一个典型例证是在阿拉伯人和以色列的冲突中,中东人如何依赖美国的干预。由此可以得知,选项D为正确答案。
[干扰项分析] 选项A,文中确实提到了以色列和美国是中东人所认定的敌人,但是并没有说明原因,所以不能说中东人认定他们真正的敌人是西方国家是顺理成章的,因此错误。选项B,第一段开头就提出中东人要适应自己为自己的事务承担最终责任这件事绝非易事,甚至意识到这一点也不容易。第二段第三句:在这种情况下,中东人继续认定真正的责任和决定权都在别人那里,并且按照这一想法行事顺理成章,可以得知中东人还没有意识到只有他们自己能救自己,因此错误。选项C,文中强调的是中东人习惯于被外部势力所统治,由外部势力来为自己做决定,并没有提到国内百姓和领导人对这一问题的分歧,因此错误。
单选题 The fact that the Middle Eastern countries often rely on the United States in resolving their conflicts shows that they believe that______.
【正确答案】 B
【答案解析】[考点] 推理判断
[解析] 本题考查考生根据上下文中的具体细节内容进行推理判断的能力。第二段倒数第二句提出有些人甚至走得更远,以至于主动要求外来干涉,可以推测一定是认为只有外来的势力才有能力做出和执行决定。由此可以推出选项B为正确答案。
[干扰项分析] 选项A、C、D,文中均未提及,因此错误。
单选题 The author implied in the passage that______.
【正确答案】 A
【答案解析】[考点] 推理判断
[解析] 本题考查考生根据上下文中的具体细节内容进行理解判断的能力。根据第一段,在中东,对于目前执掌制定和执行时事政策的人以及他们的前辈来说,在他们一生的成长过程中,重大决定都来自于外部(即:由统治他们的外国势力决定),最终的控制权也来自于外部,政治家和外交家的主要任务是尽量避免或减少这种形势的威胁,并利用有时可能出现的机会。抛弃一生或一个历史时代形成的习惯是很难的。当外来文化、社会和经济势力还起着主导作用,甚至还在增加时,这种困难更大,虽然外来的政治和军事控制已经结束。最后一段指出,这种心态要持续一段时间,在这段时间内,他们还会呼吁美国、俄罗斯或欧盟国家支持或干预。因此可以推知选项A为正确答案。
[干扰项分析] 选项B,作者在文中只是描述了中东人在帝国主义列强离开后还不能适应新形势这个事实,并没有提出关于如何使世界变得更加和平,因此错误。选项C,文中并没有提及阿以冲突的起因,因此错误。选项D,最后一段提出这种心态很可能还会持续一段时间,还会向美国、俄罗斯甚至是欧盟寻求支持甚至要求干涉,可以得知有些时候有些国家是主动要求西方干涉的,而非西方势力主动,因此错误。