单选题 One of the saddest things about the period in which we live is the growing estrangement between America and Europe. This may be a surprising discovery to those who are over impressed by the speed with which turbojets can hop from New York to Paris. But to anyone who is aware of what America once meant to English libertarian poets and philosophers, to the young Ibsen bitterly excoriating European royalty for the murder of Lincoln, to Italian novelists and poets translating the nineteenth century American classics as a demonstration against Fascism, there is something particularly disquieting in the way that the European Left, historically "pro-American" because it identified America with expansive democracy, now punishes America with Europe's lack of hope in the future.
Although America has obviously not fulfilled the visionary hope entertained for it in the romantic heyday, Americans have, until recently, thought of themselves as an idea, a "proposition" (in Lincoln's word) set up for the enlightenment and the improvement of mankind. Officially, we live by our original principles; we insist on this boastfully and even inhumanly. And it is precisely this steadfastness to principle that irks Europeans who under so many pressures have had to shift and to change, to compromise and to retreat.
Historically, the obstinacy of America's faith in "principles" has been staggering—the sacrament of the Constitution, the legacy of the Founding Fathers, the Moral Tightness of all our policies, the invincibility of our faith in the equality and perfectibility of man. From the European point of view, there is something impossibly romantic, visionary, and finally outrageous about an attachment to political formulas that arose even before a European revolutionary democracy was born of the French Revolution, and that have survived all the socialist Utopias and internationals. Americans honestly insist on the equality of men even when they deny this equality in practice; they hold fast to romantic doctrines of perfectibility even when such doctrines contradict their actual or their formal faith—whether it be as scientists or as orthodox Christians.
It is a fact that while Americans as a people are notoriously empirical, pragmatic, and unintellectual, they live their lives against a background of unalterable national shibboleths. The same abundance of theory that allowed Walt Whitman to fill out his poetry with philosophical road signs of American optimism allows a president to make pious references to God as an American tradition—references which, despite their somewhat mechanical quality, are not only sincere but which, to most Americans, express the reality of America.

单选题 The writer uses the example of Ibsen and others to maintain that ______.
A. Europeans do not have the proper appreciation of the United States
B. Europeans have made a notable shift in attitude toward the United States
C. American culture has been rediscovered by Europeans
D. Europeans no longer feel that there should be an exchange of ideas with Americans

单选题 Judging from the context, "estrangement" (Line 1, Para. 1) probably means ______.
A. strange feeling B. remoteness
C. loss of affection or interests D. feeling of hostility

单选题 Until recently, Americans thought of their country as a ______.
A. source of enlightenment B. leader in technological progress
C. recipient of a European heritage D. peacemaker

单选题 The author states that American democracy in practice sometimes is in conflict with ______.
A. theoretical notions of equality B. other political systems
C. Europe's best interests D. orthodox Christianity

单选题 Which of the following was NOT mentioned by the author as an American principle?
A. Equality of man.
B. Moral Tightness as American policy decisions.
C. Man's capacity to become perfect.
D. The inviolability of the individual's integrity.