填空题
{{B}}Passage Two{{/B}}
Some rituals of modern domestic living vary little throughout
the developed world. One such is the municipal refuse collection, usually once a
week, your rubbish bags or the contents of your bin disappear into the bowels of
a special lorry and are carted away to the local tip. To economists, this
ceremony is peculiar, because in most places it is free. Yes, households pay for
the service out of local taxes.{{U}} (71) {{/U}}Yet the marginal cost of
rubbish disposal is not zero at all. The more people throw away, the more
rubbish collectors and trucks are needed, and the more the local council has to
pay in landfill and tipping fees.
{{U}} (72) {{/U}}But
as Don Fullerton and Thomas Kinnaman, two American economists, have found, this
seemingly easy application of economic sense to an everyday problem has
surprisingly intricate and sometimes disappointing results. In the past few
years several American towns and cities have started charging households for
generating rubbish. The commonest system is to sell stickers or tags which
householders attach to rubbish bags or cans. Only bags with these labels are
picked up in the weekly collection.
In the paper published last
year Fullerton and Kinnaman studied the effects of one such scheme, introduced
in July 1992 in Charlottesville, Virginia, a town of about 40,000 people.
Residents were charged 80 cents for each sticker. This may sound like the
sensible use of market forces. In fact, the authors conclude, the scheme's
benefits did not cover the cost of printing stickers, the sticker sellers'
commissions, and the wages of the people running the scheme.{{U}} (73)
{{/U}}
This is inefficient: compacting is done better by
machines at landfill sites than by individuals, however enthusiastically. The
weight of rubbish collected in Charlottesville fell by a modest 14%.
{{U}} (74) {{/U}}The one bright spot in all this seems to have
been a 15% increase in the weight of materials recycled, suggesting that people
chose to recycle free rather than pay to have their refuse carted away. But the
fee may have little to do with the growth in recycling, as many citizens were
already participating in Charlottesville's voluntary recycling scheme.
{{U}} (75) {{/U}}To discourage dumping, for instance, local
councils might have to spend more on catching litterers, or raise fines for
littering, or cut the price of legitimate rubbish collection.
A.
True, the number of bags or cans collected did fall sharply, by 37% between May
and September 1992. But rather than buy more tags, people simply crammed more
garbage--about 40% more into each container.
B. This looks like
the most basic of economic misunderstandings: if rubbish disposal is free,
people will produce too much rubbish. The obvious economic solution is to make
households pay the marginal cost of disposing of their waste. That will give
them an incentive to throw out less and recycle more.
C. City
authorities are now considering a project to teach Government waste collectors
the skills, such as what rubbish to collect and how to classify it. If approved,
the project will help ease the financial burden of the city's waste
treatment.
D. It would be foolish to generalize from this one
case, but the moral is clear, economic incentives sometimes produce unforeseen
responses.
E. Less pleasing still, some people resorted to
illegal dumping rather than pay to have their rubbish removed. This is hard to
measure directly. But the authors, ob-serving that a few households in the
sample stopped putting rubbish out, guess that illegal dumping may account for
30%-40% of the reduction in collected rubbish.
F. But at the
margin the price is zero: the family that fills four bins with rubbish each week
pays no more than the elderly couple that fills one.