单选题
Historians have long known that there were two sides to the Populist movement of the 1890s: a progressive side, embodying the protests of formers against big business, and a darker side, marked by a distrust of Easterners, immigrants, and intellectuals. In the 1950s, one school of U.S. social thinkers constructed a parallel between this dark side of Populism and the contemporary anti-Communist crusade spearheaded by Wisconsin Senator Joseph McCarthy, which attacked liberalism, Eastern intellectuals, and civil liberties in general. To Seymour Martin Lipset, McCarthyism represented "the sour dregs of Populism"; to Edward Shils, McCarthyism, like Populism, exemplified "the ambiguous American impulse toward "direct democracy"."
Nothing that McCarthyism and Populism had both found their strongest support in the agrarian Midwest, Lipset argued that voters who backed agrarian protest movements during earlier economic crises had supported McCarthy in the post-World Ⅱ period of prosperity. In the eyes of writers like Lipset, the appeal of McCarthyism extended beyond the agrarian base of Populism to include urban groups such as industrial workers. Lipset claimed that "the lower classes, especially the workers" had backed McCarthy. In a more sweeping fashion, Lewis Feuer claimed that "it was the American lower class...who gave their overwhelming support to the attacks in recent years in civil liberties."
Writing a few years later, political scientist Michael Paul Rogin challenged these superficially plausible notions, contending that they merely embodied the writers" own assumptions about the supposed intolerance of lower class groups, rather than a valid interpretation of McCarthyism. Rogin critically examined their assertions by the simple method of testing them against the evidence. He tested Lipset"s claims about the continuity of McCarthyism and earlier agrarian protest movements by breaking down statewide voting statistics on a county-by-county basis. He found that Wisconsin counties that had voted strongly for Progressives before World War Ⅱ did not support McCarthy; McCarthy"s support was concentrated in his home region and in ethnic German areas that had been traditionally conservative. The old Progressive vote had in fact gone to McCarthy"s opponents, the Democrats.
To test Lipset"s generalizations about McCarthy"s support among class groups, Rogin attempted to determine whether industrial workers had, in fact, backed McCarthy. Correlating income and employment statistics with voting records, Rogin found that the greater the employment in industry in a given Wisconsin county, the lower was McCarthy"s share of the vote. Rogin concluded that the thesis of "McCarthyism as Populism" should be judged "not as the product of science but as a...venture into conservative political theory."
单选题
The author would probably assert the Populism and McCarthyism ______.
【正确答案】
C
【答案解析】[解析] 题目问作者对民粹主义和麦卡锡主义可能会有什么看法。文中第一段讲到“Populist movement of the 1890s: a progressive side...Eastern intellectuals, and civil liberties in general”19世纪90年代的民粹主义运动包括两方面：进步的一面是体现了前人对大财阀的抗议；黑暗的一面是不信任东方人、移民和知识分子。在20世纪50年代，美国一所社会思想家学校将民粹主义的阴暗面和同时代的由威斯康星州的参议员约瑟夫·麦卡锡带领的反共十字军东征之间作了比较，总的来说都抨击了自由主义，东方知识分子和公民自由。据此可知，民粹主义和麦卡锡主义是两种不同的运动，但具有某些共同的特征。所以答案是C。
单选题
It can be inferred that Rogin"s most serious criticism of Lipset, Feuer, and Shils"s methodology would probably be that they ______.
【正确答案】
B
【答案解析】[解析] 题目问从文中可以推知，罗金对于李普塞特、福伊尔和希尔斯的方法论最严厉的批评可能是什么。文中第三段说“Writing a few years later, political scientist Michael Paul Rogin challenged these superficially plausible notions...Rogin critically examined their assertions by the simple method of testing them against the evidence.”，几年后政治学家迈克尔·保罗·罗金在著作中向这些表面上似是而非的观念提出质疑，认为它们只是体现作家自己对下层阶级群体不能容忍的假设，而不是对麦卡锡主义有充分根据的诠释。随后又说罗金凭借对照证据的简单测试方法，严格检验了他们的观点。据此可知，他们未能审核可以支持或削弱他们的结论的证据。所以答案是B。
单选题
According to the passage, Rogin concluded that the writings of Lipset, Shils and Feuer ______.
【正确答案】
B
【答案解析】[解析] 题目问根据文中内容可知，罗金对李普塞特、希尔斯和福伊尔的著作得出的结论是什么。最后一段中说“Rogin concluded that the thesis of "McCarthyism as Populism" should be judged "not as the product of science but as a...venture into conservative political theory.”罗金得出的结论是，如同民粹主义那样，麦卡锡主义的理论不应作为科学的产物进行判断，而是一种涉及保守的政治理论的冒险。据此可知，他们的著作因为政治上的假设而有缺陷。所以答案是B。
单选题
The author is primarily concerned with ______.