单选题 .  SECTION A  MULTIPLE CHOICE QUESTIONS
    In this section there are three passages followed by fourteen multiple choice questions. For each multiple choice question, there are four suggested answers marked A, B, C and D. Choose the one that you think is the best answer and mark your answers on ANSWER SHEET TWO.
    PASSAGE ONE
    (1) When it came to concealing his troubles, Tommy Wilhelm was not less capable than the next fellow. So at least he thought, and there was a certain amount of evidence to back him up. He had once been an actor—no, not quite, an extra—and he knew what acting should be. Also, he was smoking a cigar, and when a man is smoking a cigar, wearing a hat, he has an advantage; it is harder to find out how he feels. He came from the twenty-third floor down to the lobby on the mezzanine to collect his mail before breakfast, and he believed—he hoped—that he looked passably well: doing all right. It was a matter of sheer hope, because there was not much that he could add to his present effort. On the fourteenth floor he looked for his father to enter the elevator; they often met at this hour, on the way to breakfast. If he worried about his appearance it was mainly for his old father's sake. But there was no stop on the fourteenth, and the elevator sank and sank. Then the smooth door opened and the great dark-red uneven carpet that covered the lobby billowed toward Wilhelm's feet. In the foreground the lobby was dark, sleepy. French drapes like sails kept out the sun, but three high, narrow windows were open, and in the blue air Wilhelm saw a pigeon about to light on the great chain that supported the marquee of the movie house directly underneath the lobby. For one moment he heard the wings beating strongly.
    (2) Most of the guests at the Hotel Gloriana were past the age of retirement. Along Broadway in the Seventies, Eighties, and Nineties, a great part of New York's vast population of old men and women lives. Unless the weather is too cold or wet they fill the benches about the tiny railed parks and along the subway gratings from Verdi Square to Columbia University, they crowd the shops and cafeterias, the dime stores, the tearooms, the bakeries, the beauty parlors, the reading rooms and club rooms. Among these old people at the Gloriana, Wilhelm felt out of place. He was comparatively young, in his middle forties, large and blond, with big shoulders; his back was heavy and strong, if already a little stooped or thickened. After breakfast the old guests sat down on the green leather armchairs and sofas in the lobby and began to gossip and look into the papers; they had nothing to do but wait out the day. But Wilhelm was used to an active life and liked to go out energetically in the morning. And for several months, because he had no position, he had kept up his morale by rising early; he was shaved and in the lobby by eight o'clock. He bought the paper and some cigars and drank a Coca-Cola or two before he went in to breakfast with his father. After breakfast—out, out, out to attend to business. The getting out had in itself become the chief business. But he had realized that he could not keep this up much longer, and today he was afraid. He was aware that his routine was about to break up and he sensed that a huge trouble long presaged (预感) but till now formless was due. Before evening, he'd know.
    (3) Nevertheless he followed his daily course and crossed the lobby.
    (4) Rubin, the man at the newsstand, had poor eyes. They may not have been actually weak but they were poor in expression, with lacy lids that furled down at the corners. He dressed well. It didn't seem necessary—he was behind the counter most of the time—but he dressed very well. He had on a rich brown suit; the cuffs embarrassed the hairs on his small hands. He wore a Countess Mara painted necktie. As Wilhelm approached, Rubin did not see him; he was looking out dreamily at the Hotel Ansonia, which was visible from his corner, several blocks away. The Ansonia, the neighborhood's great landmark, was built by Stanford White. It looks like a baroque palace from Prague or Munich enlarged a hundred times, with towers, domes, huge swells and bubbles of metal gone green from exposure, iron fretwork and festoons. Black television antennae are densely planted on its round summits. Under the changes of weather it may look like marble or like sea water, black as slate in the fog, white as tufa in sunlight. This morning it looked like the image of itself reflected in deep water, white and cumulous above, with cavernous distortions underneath. Together, the two men gazed at it.
    (5) Then Rubin said, "Your dad is in to breakfast already, the old gentleman."
    "Oh, yes? Ahead of me today?"
    "That's a real knocked-out shirt you got on," said Rubin. "Where's it from, Saks?"
    "No, it's a Jack Fagman—Chicago."
    (6) Even when his spirits were low, Wilhelm could still wrinkle his forehead in a pleasing way. Some of the slow, silent movements of his face were very attractive. He went back a step, as if to stand away from himself and get a better look at his shirt. His glance was comic, a comment upon his untidiness. He liked to wear good clothes, but once he had put it on each article appeared to go its own way. Wilhelm, laughing, panted a little; his teeth were small; his cheeks when he laughed and puffed grew round, and he looked much younger than his years. In the old days when he was a college freshman and wore a beanie (无檐小帽) on his large blonde head his father used to say that, big as he was, he could charm a bird out of a tree. Wilhelm had great charm still.
    (7) "I like this dove-gray color," he said in his sociable, good-natured way. "It isn't washable. You have to send it to the cleaner. It never smells as good as washed. But it's a nice shirt. It cost sixteen, eighteen bucks."
    PASSAGE TWO
    (1) By the 1840s New York was the leading commercial city of the United States. It had long since outpaced Philadelphia as the largest city in the country, and even though Boston continued to be venerated as the cultural capital of the nation, its image had become somewhat languid; it had not kept up with the implications of the newly industrialized economy, of a diversified ethnic population, or of the rapidly rising middle class. New York was the place where the "new" America was coming into being, so it is hardly surprising that the modern newspaper had its birth there.
    (2) The penny paper had found its first success in New York. By the mid-1830s Ben Day's Sun was drawing readers from all walks of life. On the other hand, the Sun was a scanty sheet providing little more than minor diversions; few today would call it a newspaper at all. Day himself was an editor of limited vision, and he did not possess the ability or the imagination to climb the slopes to loftier heights. If real newspapers were to emerge from the public's demand for more and better coverage, it would have to come from a youthful generation of editors for whom journalism was a totally absorbing profession, an exacting vocational ideal rather than a mere offshoot of job printing.
    (3) By the 1840s two giants burst into the field, editors who would revolutionize journalism, would bring the newspaper into the modern age, and show how it could be influential in the national life. These two giants, neither of whom has been treated kindly by history, were James Gordon Bennett and Horace Greeley. Bennett founded his New York Herald in 1835, less than two years after the appearance of the Sun. Horace Greeley founded his Tribune in 1841. Bennett and Greeley were the most innovative editors in New York until after the Civil War. Their newspapers were the leading American papers of the day, although for completely different reasons. The two men despised each other, although not in the ways that newspaper editors had despised one another a few years before. Neither was a political hack bonded to a political party. Greeley fancied himself a public intellectual. He had strong political views, and he wanted to run for office himself, but party factotum he could never be; he bristled with ideals and causes of his own devising. Officially he was a Whig (and later a Republican), but he seldom gave comfort to his chosen party. Bennett, on the other hand, had long since cut his political ties, and although his paper covered local and national politics fully and he went after politicians with hammer and tongs, Bennett was a cynic, a distruster of all settled values. He did not regard himself as an intellectual, although in fact he was better educated than Greeley. He thought himself only a hard-boiled newspaperman. Greeley was interested in ideas and in what was happening to the country. Bennett was only interested in his newspaper. He wanted to find out what the news was, what people wanted to read. And when he found out he gave it to them.
    (4) As different as Bennett and Greeley were from each other they were also curiously alike. Both stood outside the circle of polite society, even when they became prosperous, and in Bennett's case, wealthy. Both were incurable eccentrics. Neither was a gentleman. Neither conjured up the picture of a successful editor. Greeley was unkempt, always looking like an unmade bed. Even when he was nationally famous in the 1850s he resembled a clerk in a third-rate brokerage house, with slips of paper—marked-up proofs perhaps—hanging out of his pockets or stuck in his hat. He became fat, was always nearsighted, always peering over spectacles. He spoke in a high-pitched whine (哀号). Not a few people suggested that he looked exactly like the illustrations of Charles Dickens's Mr. Pickwick. Greeley provided a humorous description of himself, written under the pretense that it had been the work of his long-time adversary James Fenimore Cooper. The editor was, according to the description, a half-bald, long-legged, slouching individual "so rocking in gait (步态) that he walks down both sides of the street at once."
    (5) The appearance of Bennett was somewhat different but hardly more reassuring. A shrewd, wiry (瘦而结实的) Scotsman, who seemed to repel intimacy, Bennett looked around at the world with a squinty glare of suspicion. His eyes did not focus right. They seemed to fix themselves on nothing and everything at the same time. He was as solitary as an oyster, the classic loner. He seldom made close friendships and few people trusted him, although nobody who had dealings with him, however brief, doubted his abilities. He, too, could have come out of a book of Dickensian eccentrics, although perhaps Ebenezer Scrooge or Thomas Gradgrind comes to mind rather than the kindly old Mr. Pickwick. Greeley was laughed at but admired; Bennett was seldom laughed at but never admired; on the other hand, he had a hard professional competence and an encyclopedic knowledge of his adopted country, an in-depth learning uncorrupted by vague idealisms. All of this perfectly suited him for the journalism of this confusing age.
    (6) Both Greeley and Bennett had served long, humiliating and disappointing apprenticeships in the newspaper business. They took a long time getting to the top, the only reward for the long years of waiting being that when they had their own newspapers, both knew what they wanted and firmly set about getting it. When Greeley founded the Tribune in 1841 he had the strong support of the Whig party and had already had a short period of modest success as an editor. Bennett, older by sixteen years, found solid commercial success first, but he had no one behind him except himself when he started up the Herald in 1835 in a dingy cellar room at 20 Wall Street. Fortunately this turned out to be quite enough.
    PASSAGE THREE
    (1) Why make a film about Ned Kelly? More ingenious crimes than those committed by the reckless Australian bandit are reported every day. What is there in Ned Kelly to justify dragging the mesmeric Mick Jagger so far into the Australian bush and away from his natural haunts? The answer is that the film makers know we always fall for a bandit, and Jagger is set to do for bold Ned Kelly what Brando once did for the arrogant Emiliano Zapata.
    (2) A bandit inhabits a special realm of legend where his deeds are embroidered by others; where his death rather than his life is considered beyond belief; where the men who bring him to "justice" are afflicted with doubts about their role.
    (3) The bandits had a role to play as definite as that of the authorities who condemned them. These were men in conflict with authority, and, in the absence of strong law or the idea of loyal opposition, they took to the hills. Even there, however, many of them obeyed certain unwritten Dales.
    (4) These robbers, who claimed to be something more than mere thieves, had in common, firstly, a sense of loyalty and identity with the peasants they came from. They didn't steal the peasant's harvest; they did steal the lord's.
    (5) And certain characteristics seem to apply to "social bandits" whether they were in Sicily or Peru. They were generally young men under the age of marriage, predictably the best age for dissidence. Some were simply the surplus male population who had to look for another source of income; others were run- away serfs or ex-soldiers; a minority, though the most interesting, were outstanding men who were unwilling to accept the meek and passive role of peasant.
    (6) They usually operated in bands between ten and twenty strong and relied for survival on difficult terrain and bad transport. And bandits prospered best where authority was merely local—over the next hill and they were free. Unlike the general run of peasantry they had a taste for flamboyant dress and gesture; but they usually shared the peasants' religious beliefs and superstitions.
    (7) The first sign of a man caught up in the Robin Hood syndrome was when he started out, forced into outlawry as a victim of injustice; and when he then set out to "right wrongs", first his own and then other people's. The classic bandit then "takes from the rich and gives to the poor" in conformity with his own sense of social injustice; he never kills except in self-defense or justifiable revenge; he stays within his community and even returns to it if he can to take up an honorable place; his people admire and help to protect him; he dies through the treason of one of them; he behaves as if invisible and invulnerable; he is a "loyalist", never the enemy of the king but only of the local oppressors.
    (8) None of the bandits lived up fully to this image of the "noble robber" and for many the claim of larger motives was often a delusion.
    (9) Yet amazingly, many of these violent men did behave at least half the time in accordance with this idealist pattern. Pancho Villa in Mexico and Salvatore Giuliano in Italy began their careers harshly victimized. Many of their charitable acts later became legends.
    (10) Far from being defeated in death, bandits' reputation for invincibility was often strengthened by the manner of their dying. The "dirty little coward" who shot Jesse James in the back is in every ballad about him, and the implication is that nothing else could have brought Jesse down. Even when the police claimed the credit, as they tried to do at first with Giuliano's death, the local people refused to believe it. And not just the bandit's vitality prompts the people to refuse to believe that their hero has died; his death would be in some way the death of hope.
    (11) For the traditional "noble robber" represents an extremely primitive form of social protest, perhaps the most primitive there is. He is an individual who refuses to bend his back, that is all. Most protesters will eventually be bought over and persuaded to come to terms with the official power. That is why the few who do not, or who are believed to have remained uncontaminated, have so great and passionate a burden of admiration and longing laid upon them. They cannot abolish oppression. But they do prove that justice is possible, that poor men need not be humble, helpless and meek.
    (12) The bandit in the real world is rooted in peasant society and when its simple agricultural system is left behind so is he. But the tales and legends, the books and films continue to appear for an audience that is neither peasant nor bandit. In some ways the characters and deeds of the great bandits could so readily be the stuff of grand opera—Don Jose in "Carmen" is based on the Andalusian bandit El Empranillo. But they are perhaps more at home in folk songs, in popular tales and the ritual dramas of films. When we sit in the darkness of the cinema to watch the bold deeds of Ned Kelly we are caught up in admiration for their strong individuality, their simple gesture of protest, their passion for justice and their confidence that they cannot be beaten. This sustains us nearly as much as it did the almost hopeless people from whom they sprang.
1.  Wilhelm hoped he looked all right on his way to the lobby because he wanted to ______.(PASSAGE ONE)
【正确答案】 D
【答案解析】

根据题干中的Wilhelm hoped和looked all right等关键词可查找到第1段。
   文章第1段第1句就交代了Wilhelm的情况,说他很善于掩饰自己的烦恼(concealing his troubles),接着便介绍这样说的依据,其中就包括了装扮(smoking a cigar, wearing a hat)。据此可反推,Wilhelm希望自己看起来还不错,是因为想掩饰自己的烦恼。D项与此对应,因此为答案。
[参考译文]
   PASSAGE ONE
   (1)谈到掩饰自己的烦恼,汤米·威廉的能力一点也不比其他人差。至少他是这么认为的,而且也有一些证据可以支持他的这个想法。他曾经是一名演员——不,不完全是,只是临时的——他知道表演应该是什么样子。此外,他抽着雪茄烟,当一个男人戴着帽子,抽着雪茄烟时,他就占据着优势:想要弄清楚他的感受就更难了。在吃早饭前,他会从23楼下来,先到夹层大堂去取个邮件,他相信——他希望——他看起来还过得去:一切都不错。这纯粹是一个渺茫的希望,因为目前他已经没办法做的更好了。到14楼时,他期待他的父亲走进电梯,因为他们经常在这个时候见面,然后去吃早餐。如果他会担心自己的外表,那主要是因为怕他年迈的父亲会担心。但电梯没有在14楼停留,而是继续下行,再下行。然后电梯门平稳地打开了,铺在大堂里巨大的高低不平的深红色地毯朝威廉的脚下涌来。大堂一片漆黑,让人昏昏欲睡。法式的窗帘如同船帆,挡住了阳光。不过三扇又高又窄的窗户开着,在蓝色的天空里,威廉看见一只正要停在一根巨大的链子上的鸽子,这条链子支撑着大堂正下方的电影院的遮阳棚。有那么一瞬间,他听到了翅膀猛烈拍打的声音。
   (2)格洛丽亚酒店的大多数客人都已过了退休年龄。沿着百老汇大街,住着70、80和90来岁的老头老太们,他们是庞大的纽约老年人口中的很大一部分。除非天气太冷或湿气太重,不然那些有护栏的小公园,以及从威尔第广场到哥伦比亚大学的地铁格栅边上的长椅上都会有他们的身影,此外,他们还挤满了商店、自助餐厅、廉价杂货铺、茶室、面包店、美容院、阅览室和俱乐部。在格洛丽亚酒店的这些老人中间,威廉感到很不自在。相比之下,他还年轻,40多岁,身材高大,满头金发,肩膀很宽;他的背部魁梧结实,虽然已经有点驼背或是变胖了些。吃完早餐后,年老的客人们坐在大厅绿色的皮椅和沙发上,开始闲聊八卦和看报纸;除了消磨时间,他们没别的事作可以做。但威廉闲不下来,他喜欢在早上元气满满地出去走一走。由于没有了工作,几个月以来,他都是通过早起来保持斗志的;他剃了胡子,在8点的时候来到酒店大堂。他买了报纸和一些雪茄烟,喝了一两杯可口可乐,然后和他的父亲一起去吃早餐。早餐后便是——出去,出去,出去办事,于是,“出去”这件事情本身就成了头等大事。但是他已经意识到他不能再这样下去了,今天他有些害怕。他很清楚他的常规生活将要被打破,他觉察到一个早有征兆但仍未成形的巨大麻烦将要到来。傍晚之前,他就会知道。
   (3)尽管如此,他还是按照他的日常路线穿过了大堂。
   (4)在报摊的那个人叫鲁宾,他的眼睛不好——可能并不是视力弱,只是他的眼睛不会表达情感,褶皱的眼睑折叠在眼角上。他的衣着很得体,可这似乎没什么必要——大部分时间他都待在摊子后方——但他的衣着真的很好。他穿了一件深棕色的西装;袖口让瘦小的手上的汗毛看起有点尴尬。他戴着一条玛拉伯爵夫人领结。当威廉走近时,鲁宾并没有看到他;他正出神地看着安索尼娅酒店,从他那个角落正好能看到,就隔了几个街区。妥索尼娅酒店是领近地区的一个标志性建筑,由斯坦福·怀特建造。它看上去就像是一个被放大了一百倍的布拉格或慕尼黑的巴洛克宫殿,有塔楼、穹顶,有因目晒雨淋而发绿的巨大金属凸起和气泡,有铁铸的回纹浮雕和垂花雕饰。黑色的电视天线密集地安装在它的圆形屋顶上。随着天气的变化,它看起来可能像大理石或海水,黑色像雾中的板岩,白色像阳光下的凝灰岩。今天早上,它看起来就像自身在深水中的倒影,上面是白色的积云状,下面是变形的深穴状。他们两个人一起注视着它。
   (5)然后鲁宾说:“你的父亲,那位老先生,已经进去吃早餐了。”
   “哦,是吗?今天比我早?”
   鲁宾说:“你穿的这件衬衫真是太抢眼了。哪儿买的?萨克斯?”
   “不,是杰克·法格曼——芝加哥买的。”
   (6)就算情绪低落,威廉也能以高兴的样子皱起额头。他的脸上,一些缓慢而无声的变化,十分迷人。他往后退了一步,好像要站得离自己远一点,以便更好地看看他身上的衬衫。他的瞥视有点滑稽,是对自己的不修边幅所做的评价。他喜欢穿好衣服,可一旦穿上,每件衣服好像又都不尽人意。威廉小喘着气笑着,他的牙齿很小,当他边笑边喘时,脸颊变得圆圆的,看起来比真实年龄要年轻得多。以前,在他读大一的时候,一头金发的硕大脑袋上总戴着一顶无檐小帽,他的父亲常说,尽管他的头这样大,但是他魅力无穷。威廉现在仍然很有魅力。
   (7)“我喜欢这种鸽灰色,”他以他那种友善、温和的方式说道。“它不耐洗。你得把它送到干洗店去。干洗的衣服永远不会像手洗的那么好闻。但是这件衬衫很好。花了十六还是十八美元。”
   第1段第8句提到如果Wilhelm担心自己的外表,那主要是因为他不想年迈的父亲担心。文章并未提及他是否想给别人留下好印象,故排除A项。B项“给他父亲一个惊喜”中的surprise在原文找不到依据。C项“展示他的表演潜力”利用第1段第3句的acting制造干扰,但Wilhelm这样装扮并不是为了展现他的表演潜力。
   PASSAGE TWO
   (1)到19世纪40年代,纽约已成为美国主要的商业城市。它早已超越费城成为美国最大的城市。尽管波士顿继续作为美国的文化中心受到尊崇,但其形象已变得有些慵懒乏力;它跟不上新兴产业经济、多元化的种族人口和迅速崛起的中产阶级带来的影响。纽约是“新”美国诞生的地方,因此现代报纸诞生于此不足为奇。
   (2)便士报最先在纽约兴起。到19世纪30年代中期,本杰明·戴创办的《太阳报》吸引了来自各行各业的读者。另一方面,《太阳报》尺寸小,内容以迎合大众娱乐为主,现在很少会有人将其称为报纸。本杰明·戴本人是一名眼界有限的编辑,他没有能力、也没有想象力达到更高的高度。如果真正的报纸要迎合大众要求报道更多更优的需求,就必须由年轻一代的编辑来创造,对他们来说,新闻业是一个极其让人着迷的的职业,一个需机付出极大努力的职业理想,而不仅仅是印刷工作的分支。
   (3)到了19世纪40年代,两大巨头在这个领域横空出世,他们是新闻业的革新者,他们将报纸带入现代社会,并展示了报纸如何在国家生活中发挥影响力。这两位从未受到历史善待的巨头就是詹姆斯·戈登·贝内特和霍勒斯·格里利。贝内特于1835年创办《纽约先驱报》,比《太阳报》问世晚不足两年。霍勒斯·格里利于1841年创办《纽约论坛报》。贝内特和格里利是美国内战后纽约最具创新精神的编辑。他们的报纸在当时的美国首屈一指,尽管是因为完全不同的原因。这两个人互相鄙视,尽管与多年前报纸编辑们互相鄙视的方式不同。他们都不是和政党有关联的雇佣文人。格里利认为自己是公共知识分子。他有强烈的政治观点,想自己竞选公职,但他绝无可能成为党内雇员:他充满理想,有多个自创的事业。他的官方身份是辉格党人(后成为共和党人),但他很少给他选择的政党带来安慰。而贝内特呢,他很早就断绝了各种政治关系,尽管他的报纸全面报道地方和国家政治,他本人也不余遗力地追随多个政客,但贝内特是一个愤世嫉俗的人,他不相信所有既定的价值观。他不认为自己是一名知识分子,尽管事实上他比格里利受过更好的教育。他认为自己只是一个冷酷的报刊工作者。格里利对各种观点和发生在美国的事情都很感兴趣。贝内特只对自己创办的报纸感兴趣。他想知道新闻是什么,大众想读什么。一旦找到答案,他就会呈现给大众。
   (4)尽管贝内特和格里利不同于彼此,但他们又惊人地相似。他们都置身上流社会之外,即使在他们变得富裕的时候也是如此。他们都是不可救药的怪人。两个人也都不是绅士。两个人都不会让人联想到是成功以编辑。格里利蓬头垢面,看起来总是像一张没有整理好的床。即使在他闻名全国的19世纪50年代,他仍看起来像一个三流经纪公司的职员,口袋外面或帽子里总挂着多张纸条(多半是做了记号的校样)。他变胖了,又近视,总是透过眼镜费力地往外看。他说话犹如尖声的哀号。不少人都表示他看起来就像查尔斯·狄更斯笔下的匹克威克先生。格里利幽默地描述过自己,把自己写得好像是宿敌詹姆斯·菲尼莫尔·库珀笔下的人物。根据他自己的描述,他的形象是半秃头、长腿、无精打采,“走起路来摇晃幅度极大,以至于可以同时走在路的两边。”
   (5)贝内特的形象略有不同,但也好不到哪儿去。他是一个精明、精瘦的苏格兰人,似乎排斥亲密的关系。他总是带着怀疑的目光环顾四周。他的眼神散漫,眼睛似乎无法聚焦到任何事物上,又似乎能同时聚焦到所有事物上。他像牡蛎一样孤独,是典型的孤独者。他很少建立亲密的友谊,很少有人信任他,尽管与他有过短暂交往的人都不怀疑他的能力。他本人也像极了狄更斯笔下的怪人,尽管可能让人浮现脑海的人物是埃比尼泽·斯克鲁奇或汤玛斯·葛莱恩,而非善良的匹克威克老先生。格里利总被人嘲笑,但令人钦佩;贝内特很少被人嘲笑,但从不令人钦佩,但他有过硬的专业素养,并对自己移居的国家有着百科全书般的了解,这需要进行深度学习,而不受模糊的理想主义的影响。所有这一切都使他非常适合在那个令人困惑的时代从事新闻业。
   (6)格里利和贝内特都在报纸行业度过了漫长、丢脸和令人沮丧的学徒时期。他们花了很长时间才达到事业巅峰,多年等待的唯一回报是当他们创办了自己的报纸时,他们知道自己想要什么,并坚定地为之努力。当格里利1841年创办《纽约论坛报》时,他得到了辉格党的大力支持,并且作为编辑已经小有名气一段时间了。比格里利大16岁的贝内特首先获得了商业上的巨大成功,但1835年在华尔街20号一间昏暗的地下室创办《纽约先驱报》时,他全靠自己。幸运的是,这已经足够了。
   PASSAGE THREE
   (1)为什么要拍关于内德·凯利的电影?每天都有人报道一些周密谋划的犯罪,比这个鲁莽的澳大利亚草寇所犯下的罪行更有看点。内德·凯利有什么理由能驱使迷人的米克·贾格尔远离他的生活圈子,来到澳大利亚丛林深处拍摄这部电影?答案是,制片方知道我们总是被草寇形象所吸引,布兰多为了傲慢自大的埃米利亚诺·萨帕塔而付出,同样地,贾格尔也为了胆大的内德·凯利而付出。
   (2)草寇生活在一个特殊的传奇国庆节,在那里,他的行为被他人所渲染;在那里,更难以置信的通常是他的死亡而不是他还活着;在那里,那些让他接受“制裁”的人,也都对自己在其中所扮演的角色充满疑虑。
   (3)草寇和给他们定罪的当局一样,都扮演着特别明确的角色。这些人与当局发生冲突,在没有强有力的法律、也没人执意追捕的情况下,他们逃到山里去了。然而,即使在山里,他们中的许多人仍遵守某些不成文的规定。
   (4)这些草寇宣称自己并非仅仅是小偷,他们都对自己的农民出身有一种忠诚感和认同感,他们不偷农民的收成,只偷贵族的。
   (5)无论是在西西里还是在秘鲁,他们的某些特征似乎都可以被称为“社会草寇”。他们一般都是不到结婚年龄的年轻男子,正处于对抗当局的最佳年龄。有些人只是不得不另寻收入来源的过剩男性劳动力;另一些人则是逃跑的农奴或退伍军人;只有极少数人最引人关注,他们可谓杰出,不愿当一个怯弱、顺从他人的农民。
   (6)他们通常是10到20人组成一伙,依靠险峻的地形和闭塞的交通来生存。草寇在只有当局管辖的地区会大肆发迹——因为一旦翻过这座山,他们就自由了,不怕会被追赶。不像普通的农民,他们喜欢华丽的服装、有着派头十足的举止;但他们通常有着跟农民一样的信仰宗教和迷信。
   (7)典型的罗宾汉式的人物,一开始都会遭遇不公,受到迫害,被逼成为亡命之徒,然后开始走上平反昭雪之路,先为自己洗脱冤情,继而愿为别人伸张正义。于是,经典的草寇形象就出来了,他们由于自己经历的社会不公而去“劫富济贫”;除非出于自卫或正当的报复,否则他从不杀人;他一直与自己的社群同在,如果可以的话他甚至会回归社群,并担任一个体面的职位;他身边的人敬佩他并且帮助、保护他;但他的死通常也因为他身边人的背叛;他看似不显眼,实则战无不胜;他还是一个“忠诚的人”,从不与统治者为敌,只与当地的压迫者为敌。
   (8)但没有一个草寇完全符合这一“高尚强盗”的形象,对于许多人来说,那些所谓的伟大动机往往是一场骗局。
   (9)然而令人惊讶的是,他们中的很多人大部分时间活得基本和这种理想模式没两样。墨西哥的潘乔·维拉和意大利的塞尔瓦托尔·朱利亚诺因受到迫害而开始了草寇生涯,但他们许多善举后来成为了传奇故事。
   (10)草寇战无不胜的名声非但没有被死亡打败,反而常常因他们死亡的方式而得以巩固。在每首关于杰西·詹姆斯的歌谣中,都有一个“卑鄙的胆小鬼”在背后开枪打死杰西·詹姆斯,这暗示着除此之外再也没有什么能把他打倒。即使当警方声称他们成功枪杀了杰西·詹姆斯,就像是当初他们也同样宣称对朱利亚诺的死负责的时候,当地人也不会相信。草寇的生命力使人们拒绝相信他们的英雄已经死了,因为他的死在某种程序上就是希望之死。
   (11)因为传统的“高尚强盗”代表了一种极其原始的社会抗议形式,而且也许是最原始的。他是拒绝屈服的个体,仅此而已。大多数抗议者最终会被收买、被说服向政权妥协。这就是为什么少数没有妥协,或者没有被同化的人,身上背负着来自其他人如此强烈的、热情的钦佩和憧憬。他们不能废除压迫,但他们确实证明了正义是可能的,穷人,不意味着就是谦卑、无助和温顺。
   (12)现实世界中的草寇根植于农民社会,当其简单的农业社会体系被抛在身后时,草寇也会被遗忘。但故事、传说、书籍和电影继续向既非农民也非强盗的观众呈现这样的形象。在某些方面,草寇的伟大形象和行为很容易成为大歌剧的素材。《卡门》中的唐·何塞是根据安达卢西亚的草寇埃尔·埃普拉纳改编的。但他们可能更适合存在于民歌、通俗故事和电影的仪式戏剧中。当我们坐在黑乎乎的电影院中观看内德·凯利的英勇事迹时,我们被这些事迹深深吸引,它们展示着人物强烈的个性、单纯的抗议姿态、对正义的热情,以及没人能打败他们的自信。这鼓舞着我们以及和他们出身相同的无助的人。