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文学外国语言文学
单选题
单选题There are two types of poetry: narrative poetry and ______ poetry according to their different stress on action or emotion.
单选题The rise in stock prices has been driven largely by improvements in the economy, principally rising ______ profits, falling inflation, and falling interest rates.
单选题The law of private international tribunals with respect to conflicts of interest of arbitrators is quite extensive, albeit by no means uniform. It relates both to what will disqualify an arbitrator and to what the arbitrator must disclose during the selection process. Most national legal systems have statutory roles as to the types of interests, relationships, and experiences that disqualify an arbitrator. Not infrequently, the disqualifying factors are identical for arbitrators and judges, although they may treat domestic and international arbitration somewhat differently, and may indeed supplement the international roles with additional features. A closer look reveals that courts and arbitration agencies tend to apply the regulations relatively lightly, recognizing that arbitrators move in the highly interconnected world of affairs, and do not stand aloof from commerce as judges do. Accordingly, acquaintanceship with the parties and their counsel does not suffice to disqualify, whereas actual business or legal connections will. Inasmuch as judges do not seek more work, although arbitrators generally do, suspicions arise that an arbitrator's favor may incline to the party or counsel who has in the past and may again in the future provide employment. The uncertainty in the field is at its most troubling when arbitrators are party-appointed. Some argue that such arbitrators should fulfill the same functions and satisfy the same qualifications as third-party arbitrators, others dispute any real claim to objectivity. The latter view has had considerable currency, particularly in the United States, where courts and drafters of state laws regard such advocates as pawns of the appointers. Imposing standards of neutrality, and disinterestedness on them would be futile. It follows from this dichotomy between party-appointed and non-party-appointed arbitrators that opinion on the question of their nationality is also split. A party needs to be expected to choose a fellow national. This question of nationality is acute when one party to the arbitration is a governmental agency and one or more of the arbitrators are likewise nationals; a foreign enterprise contract calling for such arbitration may be foolhardy. The slate is largely blank with respect to roles for the conduct of arbitrators outside the field of conflict of interests. Considering only the matter of exparte communications, American case law is astonishing lax, refusing to set aside awards where such communication obtained between an arbitrator and a party without the presence of the other party, thereby violating evidentiary rules requiring the attendance of both parties. The differences in views on this topic indicate how useful a set of guidelines might be.
单选题 Attempts to understand the relationship between
social behavior and health have their origin in history. Dubos (1969) suggested
that primitive humans were closer to the animals{{U}} {{U}} 1
{{/U}} {{/U}}they, too, relied'upon their instincts to stay healthy. Yet some
primitive humans{{U}} {{U}} 2 {{/U}} {{/U}}a cause and effect
relationship between doing certain things and alleviating{{U}} {{U}}
3 {{/U}} {{/U}}of a disease or{{U}} {{U}} 4 {{/U}}
{{/U}}the condition of a wound.{{U}} {{U}} 5 {{/U}} {{/U}}there
was so much that primitive humans did not{{U}} {{U}} 6 {{/U}}
{{/U}}the functioning of the body, magic became an integral component ofthe
beliefs about the causes and cures of heath{{U}} {{U}} 7
{{/U}} {{/U}}Therefore it is not{{U}} {{U}} 8 {{/U}}
{{/U}}that early humans thought that illness was caused{{U}} {{U}} 9
{{/U}} {{/U}}evil spirit. Primitive medicines made from vegetables or animals
were invariably used in combination with some form of ritual to{{U}}
{{U}} 10 {{/U}} {{/U}}harmful spirit from a diseased body.
One of the. earliest{{U}} {{U}} 11 {{/U}} {{/U}}in the
Western world to formulate principles of health care based upon rational thought
and{{U}} {{U}} 12 {{/U}} {{/U}}of supernatural phenomena is
found in the work of the Greek physician Hippocrates. The writing{{U}}
{{U}} 13 {{/U}} {{/U}}to him has provided a number of principles
underiying modern medical practice. One of his most famous{{U}} {{U}}
14 {{/U}} {{/U}}, the Hippocratic Oath, is the foundation of
contemporary medical ethics. Hippocrates also argued that
medical knowledge should be derived from a{{U}} {{U}} 15
{{/U}} {{/U}}of the natural science and the logic of cause and effect
relationships. In this{{U}} {{U}} 16 {{/U}} {{/U}}thesis, On
Air, Water, and Places, Hippocrates pointed out that human well-being
is{{U}} {{U}} 17 {{/U}} {{/U}}by the totality of
environmental{{U}} {{U}} 18 {{/U}} {{/U}}: living habits or
lifestyle, climate, geography of the land, and the quality of air, and
food.{{U}} {{U}} 19 {{/U}} {{/U}}enough, concerns about our
health and the quality of air, water, and places are{{U}} {{U}} 20
{{/U}} {{/U}}very much written in twentieth century.
单选题—Does your wife regret paslng six hundred dollars for the fashionable dress? —Not at all. She would gladly have paid______for it.
单选题
单选题CAL especially refers to the use of a computer in the teaching or learning of a second or foreign language.
单选题The author thinks current entertainment is relatively poor because
单选题The word "reading" in ( Line 3,Paragraph 2) denotes
单选题
单选题We should______with the difficulties we were confronted with.
单选题After being tested in many ways, this newly-designed machine will______in the near future.A. take placeB. put into useC. come into useD. take action
单选题
单选题{{B}}Text 2{{/B}}
Saudi Arabia, the oil industry's swing
producer, has become its flip-flopper. In February, it persuaded OPEC to cut its
total production quotas by lm barrels per day (bpd), to 23.5m, as a precaution
against an oil-price crash this spring. That fear has since been replaced by its
opposite. The price of West Texas crude hit $40 last week, its highest since the
eve of the first Iraq war, prompting concerns that higher oil prices could sap
the vigour of America's recovery and compound the frailty of Europe's. On
Monday May 10th, Ali al-Naimi, Saudi Arabia's energy minister, called on OPEC to
raise quotas, by at least 1. 5m bpd, at its next meeting on June 3rd.
Thus far, the high oil price has been largely a consequence of good
things, such as a strengthening world economy, rather than a cause of bad
things, such as faster inflation or slower growth. China's burgeoning economy
guzzled about 6m bpd in the first quarter of this year, 15% more than a year
ago, according to Goldman Sachs. Demand was also strong in the rest of Asia,
excluding Japan, growing by 5.2% to 8. 1m bpd. As the year progresses, the
seasonal rhythms of America's drivers will dictate prices, at least of the
lighter, sweeter crudes. Americans take to the roads en masse in the summer, and
speculators are driving up the oil price now in anticipation of peak demand in a
few months' time. Until recently, the rise in the dollar price
of oil was offset outside America and China by the fall in the dollar itself.
But the currency has regained some ground in recent weeks, and the oil price has
continued to rise. Even so, talk of another oil price shock is premature. The
price of oil, adjusted for inflation, is only half what it was in December 1979,
and the United States now uses half as much energy per dollar of output as it
did in the early 1970s. But if oil cannot shock the world economy quite as it
used to, it can still give it "a good kick", warns Goldman Sachs. If average oil
prices for the year come in 10% higher than it forecast, it reckons GDP growth
in the Group of Seven (G7) rich nations will be reduced by 0.3%, or $70
billion. The Americans are certainly taking the issue
seriously. John Snow, their treasury secretary, called OPEC's
February decision "regrettable", and the rise in prices since then "not
helpful". Washington pays close heed to the man at the petrol pump, who has seen
the average price of a gallon of unleaded petrol rise by 39 cents in the past
year. And the Saudis, some mutter, pay close heed to Washington.
Besides, the high oil price may have filled Saudi coffers, but it has also
affronted Saudi pride. Mr. al-Naimi thinks the high price is due to fears that
supply might be disrupted in the future. These fears, he says, are
"unwarranted". But the hulking machinery in the Arabian desert that keeps oil
flowing round the world presents an inviting target to terrorists should they
tire of bombing embassies and nightclubs. (ha May 1st, gunmen killed six people
in a Saudi office of ABB Lummus Global, an American oil contractor. Such
incidents add to the risk premium factored into the oil price, a premium that
the Saudis take as a vote of no confidence in their kingdom and its ability to
guarantee the supply of oil in the face of terrorist
threats.
单选题The badly wounded soldiers take______ for medical treatment over those only slightly hurt.(2002年上海交通大学考博试题)
单选题Speaker A: We have a booking for tonight. The name"s Cliff.
Speaker B: ______. ... Yes, that was two single rooms with bath.
单选题If it is true that morality cannot exist without religion, then does not the erosion of religion herald the __________ of moraliy?
单选题There are over 6 000 different computer and online games in the world now. A segment of them are considered to be both educational and harmlessly entertaining. One such game teaches geography, and another trains pilots. Others train the player in logical thinking and problem solving. Some games may also help young people to become more computer literate, which is more important in this technology-driven era.
But the dark side of the computer games has become more and more obvious. "A segment of games features anti-social themes of violence, sex and crude language," says David Walsh, president of the National Institute on Media and Family. "Unfortunately, it"s a segment that seems particularly popular with kids aged eight to fifteen."
One study showed that almost 80 percent of the computer and online games young people preferred contained violence. The investigators said "These are not just games anymore. These are learning machines. We"re teaching kids in the most incredible manner what it"s like to pull the trigger. What they are not learning are the real-life consequences. "
They also said "The new and more sophisticated games are even worse, because they have better graphics and allow the player to participate in even more realistic violent acts." In the game Carmageddon, for example, the player will have driven over and killed up to 33 000 people by the time all levels are completed. A description of the outcome of the game says: "Your victims not only squish under your tires and splatter blood on the windshield, they also get on their knees and beg for mercy, or commit suicide. If you like, you can also
dismember
them. "
Is all this simulated violence harmful? Approximately 3 000 different studies have been conducted on this subject. Many have suggested that there is a connection between violence in games and increased aggressiveness in the players.
Some specialists downplay the influence of the games, saying that other factors must be taken into consideration, such as the possibility that kids who already have violent tendencies are choosing such games. But could it be that violent games still play a contributing role? It seems unrealistic to insist that people are not influenced by what they see. If that were true, why would the commercial world spend billions of dollars annually for television advertising?
单选题The Greening of America
—How America is likely to take over leadership of the light against climate change; and how it can, get it right.
A country with a presidential system tends to get identified with its leader. So, for the rest of the world, America is George Bush"s America right now. It is the country that has mismanaged the Iraq war; holds prisoners without trial at Guantanamo Bay; restricts funding for stem-cell research because fundamentalist religious beliefs; and destroyed the chance of a global climate-change deal based on the Kyoto Protocol.
But to simplify this is to misunderstand especially in the case of the huge, federal America. One of its great strengths is the diversity of its political, economic and cultural life. While the White House
dug its heels in
on global warming, much of the rest of the country was moving. That"s what forced the president"s concession to greens in the state-of-the-union address. His poll ratings sinking under the weight of Iraq, President Bush is grasping for popular issues to keep him afloat; and global warming has evidently become such an issue. Albeit in the context of energy security, a now familiar concern of his, President Bush spoke for the first time to Congress of "the serious challenge of global climate change" and proposed measures designed, in part, to combat it.
It"s the weather, appropriately, that has turned public opinion—starting with Hurricane Katrina. Scientists had been warming Americans for years that the risk of "extreme weather events" would probably increase as a result of climate change. But scientific papers do not drive messages home as convincingly as the destruction of a city. And the heat wave that torched America"s west coast last year, accompanied by a constant drip of new research on melting glaciers and dying polar bears, has only strengthened the belief that something must be done.
Business is changing its mind too. Five years ago corporate America was solidly against carbon controls. But the threat of a patchwork of state regulations, combined with the opportunity to profit from new technologies, began to shift business attitudes. And that movement has gained momentum, because companies that saw their competitors espouse carbon controls began to fear that, once the government got down to designing regulations, they would be left out of the discussion if they did not jump on the band wagon. So now the loudest voices are not resisting change but arguing for it.
Support for carbon controls has also grown among some unlikely groups: security hawks (who want to reduce America"s dependence on Middle Eastern oil); farmers (who like subsidies for growing the raw material for ethanol); and evangelicals (who worry that man should looking after the Earth God gave him a little better). This alliance has helped persuade politicians to move. Arnold Schwarzenegger, California"s Republican governor, has led the advance, with muscular measures legislating Kyoto-style curbs in his state. His popularity has rebounded as a result. And now there is movement too at the federal level, which is where it really matters. Bills to tackle climate change have proliferated. And three of the serious candidates for the presidency in 2008—John McCain, Hillary Clinton and Barack Obama—are all pushing for federal measures.
Unfortunately, President Bush"s newfound interest in climate change is coupled with, and distorted by, his focus on energy security. Reducing America"s petrol consumption by 20% in 2017, a target he announced in the state-of-the-union address, would certainly diminish the country"s dependence on Middle Eastern oil, but the way he plans to go about it may not be either efficient or clean. Increasing fuel-economy standards for cars and trucks will go part of the way, but for most of the switch America will have to rely on a greater use of alternative fuels. That means ethanol (inefficient because of heavy subsidies and high tariffs on imports of foreign ethanol) or liquefied coal (filthy because of high car- bon emissions).
The measure of President Bush"s failure to tackle this issue seriously is his continued rejection of the only two clean and efficient solutions to climate change. One is a carbon tax, which this paper has long advocated. The second is a cap-and-trade system of the sort Europe introduced to meet the Kyoto targets. It would limit companies" emissions while allowing them to buy and sell permits to pollute. Either system should, by setting a price on carbon, discourage emission; and, in doing so, encourage the development and use of cleaner-energy technologies. Just as America"s adoption of catalytic converters led eventually to the world"s conversion to lead-free petrol, so its drive to clean-energy technologies will ensure that these too spread.
A tax is unlikely because of America"s aversion to that three-letter word. Given that, it should go for a tough cap-and-trade system. In doing so, it can usefully learn from Europe"s experience. First, get good data. Europe failed to do so: companies were given too many permits, and emissions have there-fore not fallen. Second, auction permits (which are, in effect, money) rather than giving them away free. Europe gave them away, which allowed polluters to make
windfall profits
. This will be a huge fight; for, if the federal government did what the Europeans did, it would hand out $40 billion to $50 billion in permits. Third, set a long time-horizon. Europeans do not know whether carbon emissions will still be constrained after 2012, when Kyoto runs out. Since most clean-energy projects have a payback period of more than five years, the system thus fails to encourage green investment.
One of America"s most admirable characteristics is its belief that it has a duty of moral leader- ship. At present, however, it"s not doing too well on that score. Global warming could change that. By tackling the issue now it could regain the high moral ground (at the same time forging ahead in the clean-energy business, which Europe might otherwise dominate). And it looks as though it will; for even if the Toxic Texan continues to evade the issue, his successor will grasp it.
