问答题1．英语经济的定义。 2．简述英语经济在我国的发展情况。 3．如果你所在地区的英语经济发展缓慢，请说明原因。 4．英语经济在中国迅速发展的意义。

问答题Directions:Writeanessayof160--200wordsbasedonthefollowingdrawing.Inyouressay,youshould1)describethedrawingbriefly,2)explainitsintendedmeaning,andthen3)giveyourcomments.YoushouldwriteneatlyonANSWERSHEET2.

问答题我们保证每一个8岁的孩子都能读书，每一个12岁的孩子都能上因特网，每一个18岁的青年都能上大学。今年我们已在这方面取得了巨大进步。我们帮助建立了一支辅导阅读的公民大军，这个措施几乎等于我们在教育技术上的投资增加了一倍；我们扩大了公立学校的选择范围和竞争机会，我们提高了佩尔·格兰特奖学金(Pell Crant scholarships)金额，增加额是20年以来最高的。我们在提高孩子们的学习标准，我们也在向他们提供他们在21世纪面临挑战、抓住机遇所必需的工具。我们的共同努力，将提高孩子们的志向，提升他们的希望，同时也使我们自己履行改进今日教育的职责，使我们的孩子能够迎接明天的挑战。

问答题The Legend of Sleepy Hollow

问答题市场准入

问答题 Directions: You lost a book you borrowed from your friend William. Write him a letter to make an apology, and state your reason(s). You should write about 100 words. Do not sign your own name at the end of the letter; use 'Li Ming' instead. Do not write the address.

问答题辛亥革命

问答题区域协调发展

问答题{{B}}Directions:{{/B}}Writeanessayof160—200wordsbasedonthefollowingpicture.Inyouressay,youshould1)describethepicturebriefly,2)explainitsintendedmeaning,andthen3)supportyourviewwithanexample/examplesYonshouldwriteneatlyonANSWERSHEET2.(20points)

问答题Whatever he saw and heard on his trip gave him a very deep impression.

问答题(1)为什么自行车在中国这样普及。 (2)和汽车的比较。 (3)自行车在中国的前途。

问答题可持续发展

问答题解放思想

问答题人的学习能力似乎是无限的。

问答题廉租房

问答题In the current immigration wave, something markedly different is happening here in the middle of the great American "melting pot." (46) There is a sense that, especially as immigrant populations reach a critical mass in many communities, it is no longer the melting pot that is transforming them, but they who are transforming American society. American culture remains a powerful force—for better or worse—that influences people both here and around the world in countless ways. But several factors have combined in recent years to allow immigrants to resist, if they choose, the Americanization that had once been considered irresistible. In fact, the very concept of assimilation is being called into question as never before. (47) Some sociologists argue that the melting pot often means little more than "Anglo conformity" and that assimilation is not always a positive experience—for either society or the immigrants themselves. And with today's emphasis on diversity and ethnicity, it has become easier than ever for immigrants to avoid the melting pot entirely. Even the metaphor itself is changing, having fallen out of fashion completely with many immigration advocacy and ethnic groups. They prefer such terms as the "salad bowl" and the "mosaic," metaphors that convey more of a sense of separateness in describing this nation of immigrants. (48) Among socially conservative families such as the Jacintos, who initially moved to California from their village in Mexico's Guanajuato state, then migrated here in 1988 to find jobs in the meatpacking industry, bad influences are a constant concern. They see their children assimilating, but often to the worst aspects of American culture. Their concerns reflect some of the complexities and ambivalence that mark the assimilation process these days. Immigrants such as the Jacintos are here to stay but remain wary of their adoptive country. According to sociologists, they are right to be concerned. "If assimilation is a learning process, it involves learning good things and bad things," said Ruben G. Rumbaut, a sociology professor at Michigan State University. "It doesn't always lead to something better." The ambivalence of assimilation can cut both ways. Many native-born Americans also seem to harbor mixed feelings about the process. (49) As a nation, the United States increasingly promotes diversity, but there are underlying concerns that the more emphasis there is on the factors that set people apart, the more likely that society will end up divided. With Hispanics, especially Mexicans, accounting for an increasing proportion of U.S. population growth, it is this group, more than any other, that is redefining the melting pot. Hispanics now have overtaken blacks as the largest minority group in Nebraska and will become the biggest minority in the country within the next seven years, according to Census Bureau projections. (50) The nation's 29 million Hispanics, the great majority of them from Mexico, have thus become the main focus for questions about how the United States today is assimilating immigrants, or how it is being transformed.

问答题下面的短文有5处空白，短文后有6个句子，其中5个取自短文，请根据短文内容将其分别放回原有位置，以恢复文章原貌，并在答题卡相应位置上将答案选项涂黑。How to Help Teens Lose Weight　　Teenage obesity 肥胖 is an increasing problem in the United States.26_____ These teens run a highe

问答题书籍记载了我们人类的历史和迄今所有的发现，以及各个时代积累下来的知识和经验；它们描述了自然界的奇妙和美丽。当我们身处困境时，书籍给我们以帮助；当我们蒙难悲伤时，书籍给我们以慰藉；当我们困倦疲惫时，书籍让我们快乐起来。

问答题快递企业

问答题A long-held view of the history of the English colonies that became the United States has been that England's policy toward these colonies before 1763 was dictated by commercial interests and that a change to a more imperial policy generated the tensions that ultimately led to the American Revolution. In a recent study, Stephen Saunders Webb has resented a formidable challenge to this view. According to Webb, England already had a military imperial policy for more than a century before the American Revolution. He sees Charles Ⅱ, the English monarch between 1660 and 1685, as the proper successor of the Tudor monarchs of the sixteenth century and of Oliver Cromwell, all of whom were bent on extending centralized executive power over England's possessions through the use of what Webb calls "garrison government. " Garrison government allowed the colonists a legislative assembly, but real authority, in Webb's view, belonged to the colonial governor, who was appointed by the king and supported by the "garrison," that is, by the local contingent of English troops under the colonial governor's command. According to Webb, the purpose of garrison government was to provide military support for a royal policy designed to limit the power of the upper classes in the American colonies. (47) Webb argues that the colonial legislative assemblies represented the interests not of the common people but of the colonial upper classes, a coalition of merchants and nobility who favored self-rule and sought to elevate legislative authority at the expense of the executive. It was, according to Webb, the colonial governors who favored the small farmer, opposed the plantation system, and tried through taxation to break up large holdings of land. Backed by the military presence of the garrison, these governors tried to prevent the gentry and merchants, allied in the colonial assemblies, from transforming colonial America into a capitalistic oligarchy. (48) Webb's study illuminates the political alignments that existed in the colonies in the century prior to the American Revolution, but his view of the crown's use of the military as an instrument of colonial policy is not entirely convincing. England during the seventeenth century was not noted for its military achievements. Cromwell did mount England's most ambitious overseas military expedition in more than a century, but it proved to be an utter failure. Under Charles II, the English army was too small to be a major instrument of government. (49) Not until the war in France in 1697 did William III persuade Parliament to create a professional standing army, and Parliament's price for doing so was to keep the army under tight legislative control. (50) While it may be true that the crown attempted to diminish the power of the colonial upper classes, it is hard to imagine how the English army during the seventeenth century could have provided significant military support for such a policy.