问答题Explain criterion-referenced and norm-referenced language tests.

问答题1. 年轻人进入社会要面对论资排辈的现实。 2．社会上种种因素阻碍年轻人发展。 3．雇主应该正确看待一个人的能力，按其能力付给报酬。 You should write about 160 -200 words neatly on ANSWER SHEET Ⅱ.

问答题Immediate Constituent Analysis

问答题这所大学因提供一流的教育而闻名遐迩。

问答题What kinds of clauses should be included in a sales contract?

问答题It has been often said by people involved in language teaching that a student who really wants to learn will succeed whatever the circumstances are under which he studies.

问答题{{I}}{{B}}Directions{{/B}}: For this part, you are to write a composition of 120 to 150 words on {{B}}Which is More Important, Wealth or Health?{{/B}} In your composition, you should clearly state your opinion and give reasons to support your arguments. Write your composition on the {{B}}ANSWER SHEET{{/B}}.{{/I}}

问答题Francis Bacon says, "Reading makes a full man; conference a ready man; and writing an exact man." Write an essay of about 300 words to either support or refute Bacon"s statement "Reading makes a full man." Illustrate your point with examples from your own reading experience.

问答题1．当代中国与世界的关系发生了历史性变化。中国经济已经成为世界经济的重要组成部分，中国已经成为国际体系的重要成员，中国的前途命运曰益紧密地同世界的前途命运联系在一起。中国的发展离不开世界，世界的繁荣稳定也离不开中国。中国将一如既往地致力于与各国一道建设持久和平、共同繁荣的和谐世界。 2．人与人之间的差别在于他们对待事物的不同态度。有人按照事物的颜色、大小、外形来区分事物，有人根据事物内在的特点、因果关系来区分事物。有人可能更关注事物之间的内在区别，而忽略了事物之间一些外在的差异。对待事物的不同态度决定了人们处理问题的不同方法。 3．结交朋友是为了建立一种朴素的、真诚的社交圈子，友谊就是互助，我们既可以与朋友在平静的日子中一道悠闲散步，抒发优雅的才情；也愿意与朋友一起度过坎坷的岁月。友谊不应当落入平庸与俗套当中，我们应该以勇气、智慧和力量为友谊增色。

问答题民航业

问答题Directions: Suppose you've read in an essay the key statements." "People should never be satisfied with the existing state of affairs. They should always want something novel and something different." Write an article entitled Dissatisfactions Propel the Society Forward. You should write no less than 200 words.

问答题In the 1939 classic Western " Stagecoach ", a villainous banker with a bag of embezzled cash in his lap frets about the state of the American economy: "Our national debt is something shocking!" he complains. That year American public debt was just over two-fifths of GDP. This year, the IMF reckons, it will be just over 98% , rising to over 102% in 2012. Were he still around, the unscrupulous banker might have struggled to express his outrage, although he might have found solace in the fact that America's August 2nd deal to increase the debt ceiling envisages $2.4 trillion in spending cuts but no tax hikes. This strikes many, both outside the United States and within it, as odd. A Democratic congressman called the debt deal a "sugar-coated Satan sandwich". It does, however, loosely reflect longstanding differences between Americans' attitudes to taxation and those in much of the rest of the rich world. America is far less inclined than many of its rich-world peers to use taxation and redistribution to reduce inequality. The OECD, a think-tank, reckons that taxation eats up a little less than 30% of the average American's total compensation, compared with nearly 50% in Germany and France. America's top federal income-tax rate of 35% is lower than in many other advanced economies (although most Americans also pay state taxes). Britain's top tax rate is 50%. Swedes and Danes acquiesce to tax rates that would outrage many Americans: Sweden's top rate is 57% and Denmark's is 55%. Unsurprisingly, the American state is also less generous to the poor. Unemployment benefits in the United States replace a smaller share of income, and run out more quickly, than in most European countries. The differences in attitude towards redistributive taxes are not just between countries but also within them, and economists have several explanations as to why. When it comes to differences between countries, social cohesion plays a major role. Broadly speaking, countries that are more ethnically or racially homogeneous are more comfortable with the state seeking to mitigate inequality by transferring some resources from richer to poorer people through the fiscal system. This may explain why Swedes complain less about high taxes than the inhabitants of a country of immigrants such as America. But it also suggests that even societies with a tradition of high taxes ( such as those in Scandinavia) might find that their citizens would become less willing to finance generous welfare programmes were immigrants to make up a greater share of their population. Immigration can also subtly alter the overall attitude towards such matters in another way. A 2008 study by economists at Harvard found evidence that immigrants' attitudes towards taxation and redistribution were rooted in the places they had left. Social divisions also play a role in determining who within a society prefers greater redistributive taxation. In America blacks—who are more likely to benefit from welfare programmes than richer whites—are much more favorably disposed towards redistribution through the fiscal system than white people are. A 2001 study looked at over 20 years of data from America's General Social Survey and found that whereas 47% of blacks thought welfare spending was too low, only 16% of whites did. Only a quarter of blacks thought it was too high, compared with 55% of whites. In general (though not always), those who identify with a group that benefits from redistribution seem to want more of it. Paradoxically, as the share of the population that receives benefits in a given area rises, support for welfare in the area falls. A new NBER paper finds evidence for an even more intriguing and provocative hypothesis. Its authors note that those near but not at the bottom of the income distribution are often deeply ambivalent about greater redistribution. Economists have usually explained poor people's counter-intuitive disdain for something that might make them better off by invoking income mobility. Joe the Plumber might not be making enough to be affected by proposed hikes in tax rates on those making more than $250,000 a year, they argue, but he hopes someday to be one of them. This theory explains some cross-country differences, but it would also predict increased support for redistribution as income inequality widens. Yet the opposite has happened in America, Britain and other rich countries where inequality has risen over the past 30 years. Instead of opposing redistribution because people expect to make it to the top of the economic ladder, the authors of the new paper argue that people don't like to be at the bottom. One paradoxical consequence of this "last-place aversion" is that some poor people may be vociferously opposed to the kinds of policies that would actually raise their own income a bit but that might also push those who are poorer than them into comparable or higher positions. The authors ran a series of experiments where students were randomly allotted sums of money, separated by $1, and informed about the "income distribution" that resulted. They were then given another $ 2, which they could give either to the person directly above or below them in the distribution. In keeping with the notion of "last-place aversion", the people who were a spot away from the bottom were the most likely to give the money to the person above them: rewarding the "rich" but ensuring that someone remained poorer than themselves. Those not at risk of becoming the poorest did not seem to mind falling a notch in the distribution of income nearly as much. This idea is backed up by survey data from America collected by Pew, a polling company: those who earned just a bit more than the minimum wage were the most resistant to increasing it. Poverty may be miserable. But being able to feel a bit better-off than someone else makes it a bit more bearable.

问答题All of us live on a tiny spaceship carrying with it its own limited resources for survival. (Passage One)

问答题Directions: You have taught Wang Qi for two years. Write a letter of recommendation for Wang Qi to state your relationship with Wang Qi"s academic achievements and introduce his sports and social activities. You should write about 100 words. Do not sign your own name at the letter; use "Li Ming" instead. Do not write the address.

问答题{{B}}Directions:{{/B}} Read the following text carefully and then translate the underlined segments into Chinese. Your translation should be written neatly on ANSWER SHEET 2. Discussion of the assimilation of Puerto Ricans(波多黎各人) in the United States has focused on two factors: social standing and the loss of national culture. In general, excessive stress is placed on one factor or the other, depending on whether the commentator is North American or Puerto Rican. Many North American social scientists, such as Oscar Handlin, Joseph Fitzpatrick, and Oscar Lewis, consider Puerto Ricans as the most recent in a long line of ethnic entrants to occupy the lowest rung on the social ladder. (46) {{U}}Such a "socio demographic" approach tends to regard assimilation as a benign process, taking for granted increased economic advantage and inevitable cultural integration, in a supposedly egalitarian context.{{/U}} However, this approach fails to take into account the colonial nature of the Puerto Rican case, with this group, unlike their European predecessors, coming from a nation politically subordinated to the United States. (47) {{U}}Even the "radical" critiques of this mainstream research model, such as the critique developed in Divided Society, attach the issue of ethnic assimilation too mechanically to factors of economic and social mobility and are thus unable to illuminate the cultural subordination of Puerto Ricans as a colonial minority.{{/U}} In contrast, the "colonialist" approach of island based writers such as Eduardo Seda-Bonilla, Manuel Maldonado-Denis, and Luis Nieves-Falcon tends to view assimilation as the forced loss of national culture in an unequal contest with imposed foreign values. There is, of course, a strong tradition of cultural accommodation among other Puerto Rican thinkers. The writings of Eugenio Fernandez Mendez clearly exemplify this tradition, and many supporters of Puerto Rico's commonwealth status share the same universalizing orientation. (48) {{U}}But the Puerto Rican intellectuals who have written most about the assimilation process in the United States all advance cultural nationalist views, advocating the preservation of minority cultural distinctions and rejecting what they see as the submission of colonial nationalities.{{/U}} This cultural and political emphasis is appropriate, but the colonialist thinkers misdirect it, overlooking the class relations at work in both Puerto Rican and North American history. They pose the clash of national cultures as an absolute polarity, with each culture understood as static and undifferentiated. (49) {{U}}Yet both the Puerto Rican and North American traditions have been subject to constant challenge from cultural forces within their own societies, forces that may move toward each other in ways that cannot be written off as mere "assimilation."{{/U}} Consider, for example, the indigenous and Afro-Caribbean traditions in Puerto Rican culture and how they influence and are influenced by other Caribbean cultures and Black cultures in the United States. (50) {{U}}The elements of compulsion and inequality, so central to cultural contact according to the colonialist framework play no role in this kind of convergence of racially and ethnically different elements of the same social class.{{/U}}

问答题Please write an argumentation based on the following topic and elaborate your point of view in about 200 words. Remember to write your composition neatly and clearly on ANSWER SHEET II. Some people trust their first impressions about a person's character because they believe these judgments are generally correct. Other people do not judge a person's character quickly because they believe first impressions are wrong. Compare these two attitudes. Which of them do you agree with? Support your choice with specific examples.

问答题genetic relation