翻译题Talk at random

翻译题Hit the nail on the head

翻译题turn over a new leaf

翻译题我们要大力发展社会事业。坚持优先发展教育，稳步提升全民受教育程度。坚持自主创新、重点跨越、支撑发展、引领未来的方针，完善科技创新体系和支持政策，着力推进重大科学技术突破。研究与试验发展经费支出占国内生产总值比重达到2.2%，促进科技成果更好地转化为生产力。适应现代化建设需要，加强人才培养，努力造就规模宏大的高素质人才队伍。大力加强文化建设，推动文化改革发展实现新跨越，满足人民群众不断增长的精神文化需求。

翻译题唇枪舌剑

翻译题无论这个问题多么令人讨厌，我们必须正视它。（no matter how）

Is it any wonder that America is also a country of dangerously overweight people? According to a recent study by the National Center for Health Statistics, the number of adults characterized as overweight in the United States has jumped to an astonishing one-third of the population. Overweight in this case means being about 20 percent or more above a person"s desirable weight. Since the figures for "desirable weight" have moved upward over the last decade or so, total poundage—even at 20 percent over—may be considerable. So are the attendant health risks. Excess weight has been linked to cardiovascular disease, hypertension, adult-onset diabetes and some forms of cancer, among other diseases. Once, when work and school and the grocery store were a two-mile hike away, Americans could afford the calories they consume. But not now, not when millions spend four or five hours a day in front of a TV set—along with a bag of chips, a bowl of buttered popcorn and a six-pack—and there"s a car or two in every driveway. "There is no commitment to obesity (肥胖) as a public health problem," said Dr. William Dietz, director of clinical nutrition at the New England Medical Center in Boston. "We"ve ignored it, and blamed it on gluttony and sloth." If one definition of a public health problem is its cost to the nation, then obesity qualifies. According to a study done by Dr. Graham a Colditz, who teaches at Harvard Medical School, it cost America an estimated $68.8 billion in 1990. But what"s wrong blaming it on gluttony and sloth? True, some unfortunate overweight people have an underlying physical or genetic problem. But for most Americans, the problem is with two of the seven deadly sins. Losing weight is a desperately difficult business. Preventing gain, however, is not. Consumer information is everywhere, and there can be few adults who truly believe that hot dogs, fries, a soda and a couple of Twinkies make a good lunch. But they eat them anyway. As more and more Americans became educated to the risks of smoking, more and more Americans gave up the habit. Now it appears that Americans need an intensive education in the risks of stuffing themselves and failing to exercise as well. Given the seductiveness of chocolate and cheese, the couch and the car, that habit will be hard to break. But if an ounce of prevention can obviate a pound of fat, it is well worth the struggle.

翻译题On their silver-wedding day Ashurst and his wife were motoring along the outskirts of the moor, intending to celebrate the festival by stopping the night at Torquay, where they had first met. This was the idea of Stella Ashurst, whose character contained a streak of sentiment. If she had long lost the blue-eye,flower-like charm, the cool slim purity of face and form, the apple-blossom colouring which had so swiftly and so oddly affected Ashurst twenty-six years ago, she was still at forty-three a comely and faithful companion, whose cheeks were faintly mottled, and whose grey-blue eyes had acquired a certain fullness.

翻译题从1750年以来，世界进行了四次工业革命：第一次就是英国工业革命，中国失去了机会。第二次是十九世纪下半叶美国的工业革命，中国也同样失去了机会。第三次工业革命，是20世纪后半叶出现的信息革命。当时中国的领导人敏锐地认识到了这一重大历史变化，中国抓住了这次信息革命的重大机遇。 　　进入二十一世纪，人类迎来了第四次工业革命——绿色工业革命。可以说这一次全球减排，就是绿色工业革命的标志。我们希望这一次工业革命中国要成为领导者、创新者和驱动者，和美国和欧盟和日本站在同一起跑线上领导这场革命。今后中国领导人面临两大迫切问题：一是如何实现中国经济转型，即从高碳经济转向低碳经济；二是如何参与全球治理，即从国家治理转向地区治理、全球治理。

翻译题Fifteen years ago at the Fourth World Conference on Women. Governments pledged to advance equality, development and peace for all women everywhere. The landmark Beijing Declaration has had a deep and wide-ranging impact. It has guided policymaking and inspired new national laws. It has sent a clear message to women and girls around the world that equality and opportunity are their inalienable rights. 　　There are many examples of progress, thanks in large part to the resolute efforts of civil society organizations. A growing number of countries have legislation that 　　supports sexual and reproductive health and promotes gender equality. 　　Nonetheless, much work remains. Maternal mortality remains unacceptably high, too few women have access to family planning, and violence against women remains 　　a cause for global shame. In particular, sexual violence during conflict is endemic. One key lesson of the past decade and a half is the importance of addressing broader discrimination and injustice. Gender stereotyping and discrimination remain common in all cultures and communities. Early and forced marriage. sexual abuse and trafficking of young women and girls are disturbingly prevalent and, in some areas, on the rise. Whether looking through the lens of poverty. or in times of disaster, we see that women still bear the greatest burden.

翻译题Central Bankers: Stop Dithering. Do Something. 　　Both the American economy and the global economy are facing a familiar foe: policy defeatism. Throughout modern economic history, whether in Western Europe in the 1920s. in the United States in the 1930s, or in Japan in the 1990s, every major financial crisis has been followed by premature abandonment - if not reversal - of the stimulus policies that are necessary for sustained recovery. Sadly: the world appears to be repeating this mistake. 　　The right thing to do right now is for the Federal Reserve and the European Central Bank to engage in further monetary stimulus. Having lowered short-term interest rates, they should buy (or in the case of the Fed, resume buying) significant quantities of government securities to help push down long-term interest rates and encourage investment.As many have observed. we need to rebalance the economy from imports to exports, from private consumption to savings, from tax breaks to infrastructure rebuilding and from the financial sector to everything else. The process of rebalancing will require movement of capital from older industries and activities to newer ones -that is, investment. Moreover, a lot of what was termed "investment" during the boom years was misallocated - wasted - capital. so many productive projects were ignored. 　　But investment has been held back because of uncertainty over the economy's future prospects. And the ability to attract investors is being limited by the giant burden of private-sector debt, In other words, a financing problem is inhibiting the restructuring of our economy. Alleviating generalized financing problems and low 　　investor confidence is precisely what monetary stimulus does. Some claim that monetary easing will impede restructuring. But this makes no sense. For all the talk that monetary austerity promotes the "creative destruction" necessary for the economy to recover. it does not work that way.

In the 1950s, the pioneers of artificial intelligence (AI) predicted that, by the end of this century, computers would be conversing with us at work and robots would be performing our housework. But as useful as computers are, they are nowhere close to achieving anything remotely resembling these early aspirations for humanlike behavior. Never mind something as complex as conversation: the most powerful computers struggle to reliably recognize the shape of an object, the most elementary of tasks for a ten-month-old kid. A growing group of AI researchers think they know where the field went wrong. The problem, the scientists say, is that AI has been trying to separate the highest, most abstract levels of thought, like language and mathematics, and to duplicate them with logical, step-by-step programs. A new movement in AI, on the other hand, takes a closer look at the more roundabout way in which nature came up with intelligence. Many of these researchers study evolution and natural adaptation instead of formal logic and conventional programs. Rather than digital computers and transistors, some want to work with brain cells and proteins. The results of these early efforts are as promising as they are peculiar, and the new nature-based AI movement is slowly but surely moving to the forefront of the field. Imitating the brains" neural network is a huge step in the right direction, says computer scientist and biophysicist Michael Conrad, but it still missed an important aspect of natural intelligence. "People tend to treat brain as if it were made up of color-coded transistors." He explains, "But it"s not simply a clever network of switches. There are lots of important things going on inside the brain cells themselves." Specifically, Conrad believes that many of the brains" capabilities stem from the pattern- recognition proficiency of the individual molecules that make up each brain cell. The best way to build an artificially intelligent device, he claims, would be to build around the same sort of molecular skills. Right now, the notion that conventional computers and software are fundamentally incapable of matching the processes that take place in the brain remains controversial. But if it proves true, then the efforts of Conrad and his fellow AI rebels could turn out to be the only game in town.

翻译题虽然导致不平等的原因很多，但我们可以大体上把它们分为三类。一类是社会条件或家庭出身，例如在中国，与出生于贫困农村的人们相比，一个出生在大城市的人通常拥有更多的收入和更好的社会处境。另外一类是自然天赋，有些人天生聪明或健壮，有些人则天生愚笨或孱弱，前者一般也会比后者拥有更多的收入并处于更好的状况。最后一类是抱负和努力程度，在其他条件相同的情况下，更有抱负和更努力的人们通常也会有更多的收入。

翻译题to get the green light

翻译题Is More Growth Really Better? A number of writers have raised questions about the desirability of faster economic growth as an end in itself, at least in the wealthier industrialized countries. Yet faster growth does mean more wealth, and to most people the desirability of wealth is beyond question. “I’ve been rich and I’ve been poor—and I can tell you, rich is better,” a noted stage personality is said to have told an interviewer, and most people seem to have the same attitude about the economy as a whole. To those who hold this belief, a healthy economy is one that is capable of turning out vast quantities of shoes, food, cars, and TV sets. An economy whose capacity to provide all these things is not expanding is said to have succumbed to the disease of stagnation.

翻译题Talk and laugh cheerfully

翻译题打破僵局

The Ethics of Foreign Policy By Felix Morley 1. The architects of foreign policy throughout the ages have frequently asserted that morality plays an important part in their official planning and conduct. 2. This dubious claim has received much partisan support, but relatively little objective examination. The failure to exercise~ the critical faculty toward the acts of one"s own government, while readily believing the worst in respect to the acts of other governments, is a tribute to the virtue of patriotism rather than to the quality of scientific analysis. The law of averages alone would indicate, without reference to cases, that in countless number of disputes between sovereignties, no single government is likely to have demonstrated superior morality consistently, except in the opinion of its own adherents. 3. The logical assumption would be that the foreign policy of any government is seldom completely "good", in the sense of being a perfect exponent of the moral code of its time and place, and equally seldom is it absolutely "evil", in the sense of being wholly oblivious to current moral standards. 4. From the ethical viewpoint the complexion of foreign policy would seem to be a habitual, though not uniform, gray. It is therefore the more desirable to indicate precisely why moral considerations, while seldom altogether ignored, are nevertheless of wholly secondary importance in determining the relations of governments. 5. Men are endowed by their Creator with a moral sense. They possess an intangible organ, to which we give the name "conscience", that distinguishes between the more and the less admirable choices in all the countless occasions of decision that occur in an individual lifetime. 6. Conscience may be strong to the extreme of obduracy or weak to the point of impotence, but it is seldom altogether non-existent. Men have this inborn sense of "knowing with", or being privy to, a code of moral conduct. Without conscience, all aspects of social life would be far more chaotic than is actually the case. To the degree that men will not obey natural law, it is therefore reasonable to subject them to the artificial law that the state imposes. 7. But the state, which is the most complicated product of social development as yet folly achieved, has no moral sense; and, in spite of its law courts and enforcement agencies, it possesses no organ that can be compared with the human conscience. The church, as distinct from the state, is of course deeply and continuously concerned with moral issues. The church, however, no longer dominates the state, even in countries where a particular religion is legally "established". 8. Of course, the state as an instrument may be utilized to forward morality and to oppose immorality. And in doing this whether by legislative action or executive fiat, it reflects both the influence of the individual conscience and the prevalent morality of a particular time and place. Nevertheless, it remains true that the state can achieve good only by the application of coercion to its subjects. It substitutes the rigid compulsion of man-made law for the less well codified but morally more impelling influence of the natural law. 9. The state, in short, is the repository of physical rather than moral power. While this physical strength can be used for moral ends, it can equally well be, and often has been, placed at the service of an immoral philosophy. The American case against Soviet Russia rests on the evidence that this distortion is currently dominant there. 10. Although the state has no conscience, its so-called welfare aspects substitute for the function of this organ in the social activities of the individual. To the extent that the welfare state deprives the individual of power to do good or evil as he sees fit, there is, of course, encroachment on the sphere of personal morality, in behalf of governmentally defined morality. 11. In Soviet Russia, where God is virtually outlawed, this encroachment of positive law on natural law has reached the stage of almost complete substitution. In the United States, there is still a valiant and partially successful effort to oppose socialism, which may be accurately defined as the political system that seeks to take the right of moral decision from free individuals in order to vest it in officials serving the state. 12. It is frequently, and often persuasively, argued that the increasing complexity of human life and the growing interdependence of men in modem society make the expansion of state authority inevitable and indeed imperative. 13. Much that is specious can be detected in this argument, but even if it were wholly conclusive, an issue of great political and moral moment would still remain to be reconciled. Whenever and however the state assumes the power of decision, there must be an equivalent surrender of power on the part of the subjects. Encroachment may be on the freedom of the market, in the economic sphere; on the freedom of worship, in the religious sphere; on the freedom of criticism, in the political sphere. But fundamentally, the encroachment is always on freedom, in one or another aspect of this condition for which the human being has not merely a biological but also an often passionate and deeply spiritual yearning. 14. Properly speaking, there is no such thing as freedom from something. Freedom, being the political condition in which the individual retains his natural power of choice, must always be for something. The choice of the free individual may be neither intelligent nor moral, but it is always a definite choice in behalf of some selected course out of many that are usually available. 15. The socialist believes that it is socially advantageous when the state assumes the power of choice for the individual. Sometimes the argument is that the average person has no opportunity, and sometimes that he has no capacity, to choose wisely and well. But whether the emphasis in the argument is humanitarian or autocratic, the net result of its successful application is the same. The power in the people is contracted and the power of the state is enlarged. 16. Much more is involved here than the amount of spending power left to the taxpayer after Big Government has taken its ever-increasing slice. The power of the individual to act as his conscience dictates is also taken from him by the state. Government may, because of the heritage of freedom, be patient and relatively gentle with the conscientious objector. It may, when the political heritage is tyrannical, dispose of him by firing squad. But either way, his right to follow the dictates of conscience is called in question. 17. Since the state does not and cannot possess the organ of conscience, and since the individual conscience alone gives human life a moral direction, it follows that the enlargement of state power is necessarily at the expense not only of freedom, but also of morality. This means that the socialist, whether he realizes it or not, has actually a very low regard for the human race. The criticism that he lavishes on "Wall Street" or other products of free enterprise system is basically criticism of the concept of freedom. 18. Although the state is an amoral instrumentality, without a conscience and with no inherent sense of right and wrong, its actions towards its subjects are always to some extent restrained and guided by the prevalent morality of the people. The most complete autocrat must give consideration to the inborn sense of justice and decency among those over whom he rules. 19. In dealing with other sovereignties, however, political rules have never been and are not now much influenced by ethical considerations as such. Rulers raise no taxes from those outside the area Of their control and therefore have no politically compelling reason to treat the subjects of other sovereignties with respect. It is not that the ruler is less humanitarian in his instincts or more immoral in his behavior than any other individual, but that, having the responsibility of the state on his shoulders, the ruler tends to put what seems to be the state"s immediate interest above all other considerations, including those of an ethical nature. In time of war, of course, this subordination of ethical considerations is especially pronounced. 20. The absence of any ethical content in foreign policy during time of war is too obvious to need much citation or emphasis. Many would be inclined to discount this characteristic, however, by saying that war represents a break-down rather than an aspect of forging policy, and by asserting further that even in wartime the chief executive of a democratic nation is under constitutional restraints which tend to check immoral conduct on his part. 21. Unfortunately, both qualifications are more apparent than real. The President of the United States is nominally subject to many Constitutional restraints, in time of war as well as in time of peace. However, aside from the indication that the United States can now be plunged into a major war by Presidential edict, it is also clear that during the fighting, foreign policy decisions of the greatest moment will be made by the President alone. 22. As against the theory that war is a mere interruption of the normal conduct of foreign policy, one recalls the aphorism of von Clausewitz, to the effect that war has always been definitely an instrument of national policy and that peacetime diplomacy only fills in the chinks until the time has come for the state to strike with military force. Certainly in the Prussian tradition, from Hegel on, there is little to indicate that peace is the normal condition of a nation; war a mere unfortunate aberration. Though Prussia is destroyed, the "Prussian doctrine" of Nietzsche—that the state is "beyond good and evil", determining morals for itself—is stronger than ever before. 23. Because individuals for the most part possess a moral sense, there has been, usually under religious leadership, a long and valiant effort to introduce an ethical content into the theory and practice of foreign policy. This effort has taken two distinct forms. One is the long-standing attempt to make those who control foreign policy strictly accountable to elected representatives of the people. The other is the more recent endeavor to establish an enforceable international law, involving the creation of an international political authority empowered and competent to take preventive action against a government whose foreign policy threatens a breach of peace. 24. The latter effort was obviously impractical until nations as we know them today had taken form as disciplined political units, with government competent to keep order at home as a preliminary to making international commitments. Also, there had to be development of communications, trade, and travel on a large scale before the need for any international political authority became apparent to people as a whole. 25. Aside from these positive factors, two of a negative nature helped pave the way for interest in world government. One was the decline of vital religious interest, which followed the fragmentizing of the Christian church throughout the European counties that once had recognized the spiritual supremacy of Rome. The other was the increasing destructiveness of war. With no universally recognized religious authority and with all existing political authorities seriously menaced by the effects of scientific war, argument for international organization was greatly strengthened. 26. The effort to establish popular control over the forging policy of an individual sovereign, however, had made great headway long before concerts, or leagues, or unions of nations had become more substantial than the dreams of idealistic philosophers. Instances of this effort that could be cited from many countries would be found to rest on the principle that arbitrary executive authority in this field is an intolerable infringement of "the liberty of the subjects". 27. Liberty, of course, is an ethical concept based on the religious belief that men "are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable Rights", as the Declaration of Independence asserts. And it is in no way accidental that the endeavor to give an ethical content to foreign policy has made the most headway under representative government, especially in those countries where men with a deep religious faith are willing to challenge the authority of the state. For questions 1 to 10, choose the best answer according to the passage you have just read.

翻译题声势浩大，不可阻挡

翻译题小题大做