问答题Water is a limited natural resource and a public good fundamental for life and health. The human right to water is indispensable for leading a life in human dignity. It is a prerequisite for the realization of other human rights. The Committee has been confronted continually with the widespread denial of the right to water in developing as well as developed countries. Over 1 billion persons lack access to a basic water supply, while several billion do not have access to adequate sanitation, which is the primary cause of water contamination and diseases linked to water. The continuing contamination, depletion and unequal distribution of water is exacerbating existing poverty. States have to adopt effective measures to realize, without discrimination, the right to water.
问答题1895年，中国在中日甲午战争中战败，陷入了深刻的国家危机，世界列强威胁要瓜分中国。那些忧患国家命运的知识分子要求改革，不仅工业和军事方面要改，政治体制也得改。康有为、梁启超和谭嗣同便是维新派的代表人物。
康有为会同一千三百多名举人联名上书光绪皇帝，要求维新变法。康有为主张以君主立宪制代替封建专制。康有为的学生梁启超协助撰写文章，宣传变法思想。相比之下，谭嗣同更为激进，撰写了《仁学》一书批驳传统思想。
维新派不断发表演说，出版论著，在报上撰文，阐明变法的必要性。中国的危急形势在一定程度上帮助了他们，当时的形势表明中国除了变法之外别无出路。但是，顽固派，在国内，尤其是在统治阶级中的势力仍然十分强大。他们极力反对变法，认为要变的是人，不是法，因为所有的错误都来自于人们的错误想法。
1898年，康有为再次上书光绪皇帝。他谏言只有维新变法才能救国，不变法国家就要灭亡。这一次，光绪皇帝被说动了，赞同了康有为的观点和建议。1898年6月，他让康有为和其他一些变法派在政府中担任要职，并授权他们进行改革。
他们采取的主要是一些经济和教育改良措施，诸如鼓励工商业，设立学校，改革科举制度，裁撤一些不必要的政府机构。但是真正执掌大权的是以慈禧太后为首的顽固派，他们非常憎恨这些举措，强烈反对。在军队的协助下，慈禧于9月发动政变。将光绪皇帝软禁，并且杀害了谭嗣同等六位维新志士。康有为和梁启超侥幸逃脱。百日维新就这样宣告结束。
变法的失败给进步人士这样一个教训：要在清廷的统治下改革政治体制是不可能的。不久以后，以孙中山为首的具有更为激进思想的人们开始策划武装起义推翻清王朝。历经失败之后，终于在1911年取得了胜利。
问答题除非是做特别剧烈的瑜伽运动，否则你实际消耗的能量不足以减肥。
问答题他并不如大家所料想的那么生计维艰，一筹莫展。
问答题Ranked as one of the most important industries in Britain, the motor components industry consists of over 2,000 companies.
问答题人们发现，所有在国外旅行的人都根据他们自己的风俗习惯来评价他们的所见所闻和他们所吃的东西。凡是广泛阅读过有关外国情况的书刊的人，他们往往比较能适应，也比较宽容，这是因为他们在开始旅行之前，他们的心胸就已经比较开阔了。事实上，人们在没有直接接触那些事物时是比较容易抱宽容态度的。当一个美国人怡然自得地待在装有集中供暖设备的家里时，对于大多数中国家庭的住宅里没有集中供暖设备这种情况，他会付之一笑，表示谅解。他能够轻而易举地做到宽宏大量。但是一接触到现实，事情就难办了。人们在直接接触到自己不习惯的事物时，要容忍、谅解就难得多了。
问答题2008年奥运会上，武术既不是正式比赛项目，也不是表演项目，但经奥组委同意奥运会期间可举行一次国际性比赛。
问答题他的眼睛格外大，却少了原本该有的那份天真无邪，看着陌生人时尤其显得老成。
问答题1．中国与美国及其他国家的贸易关系在寻求共同繁荣中既有机会又有不寻常的风险。对跨国公司来说，面临的威胁是，在他们将其最佳实践(best practice)带入全球时，中国可能会由此爬上“价值链”——生产出更先进的产品——从而使美国、日本和欧洲的大多数工人的生活水平停滞不前。
2．我们还在为实现和平发展的目标而斗争，我们也有很多问题需要解决，但是，此次的政府工作报告表明，我们的政府正勇于面对未来的挑战，并且有决心和方法来应对这些挑战。
3．许多地方政府官员“忠诚地”相信“污染——发展”的公式，即“先发展、后清洁”，但如果培养的下一代缺少智慧或劳动力整体智力水平低下，经济将如何能持续发展?
问答题Some recent historians have argued that life in the British colonies in America from approximately 1763 to 1789 was marked by internal conflicts among colonists. Inheriting some of the viewpoints of early twentieth-century progressive historians such as Beard and Becker, these recent historians have put forward arguments that deserve evaluation.
The kind of conflict most emphasized by these historians is class conflict. Yet with the Revolutionary War dominating these years, how does one distinguish class conflict within that larger conflict? Certainly not by the side a person supported.
1
Although many of these historians have accepted the earlier assumption that Loyalists represented an upper class, new evidence indicates that Loyalists, like rebels, were drawn from all socioeconomic classes.
(It is nonetheless probably true that a larger percentage of the well-to-do joined the Loyalists than joined the rebels.) Looking at the rebel side, we find little evidence for the contention that lower-class rebels were in conflict with upper-class rebels. Indeed, the war effort against Britain tended to suppress class conflicts.
2
Where it did not, the disputing rebels of one or another class usually Loyalists.
Loyalism thus operated as a safety valve to remove socioeconomic discontent that existed among the rebels. Disputes occurred, of course, among those who remained on the rebel side, but the extraordinary social mobility of eighteenth-century American society (with the obvious exception of slaves) usually prevented such disputes from hardening along class lines. Social structure was in fact so fluid—though recent statistics suggest a narrowing of economic opportunity as the latter half of the century progressed—that to talk about social classes at all requires the use of loose economic categories such as rich, poor, and middle class, or eighteenth-century designations like "the better sort".
3
Despite these vague categories, one should not claim unequivocally that hostility between recognizable classes cannot be legitimately observed.
Outside of New York, however, there were very few instances of openly expressed class antagonism.
Having said this, one must add that there is much evidence to support the further claim of recent historians that sectional conflicts were common between 1763 and 1789. The "Paxton Boys" incident and the Regulator movement are representative examples of the widespread, and Justified, discontent of western settlers against colonial or state governments dominated by eastern interest.
4
Although undertones of class conflict existed beneath such hostility, the opposition was primarily geographical.
Sectional conflict which also existed between North and South deserves further investigation.
In summary, historians must be careful about the kind of conflict they emphasize in eighteenth-century America.
5
Yet those who stress the achievement of a general consensus among the colonists cannot fully understand that consensus without understanding the conflicts that had to be overcome or repressed in order to reach it.
问答题去美国访问的人经常带回报告说，大多数美国人对他们友善、好客、乐于助人。公平地说，人们对加拿大和加拿大人也有这样的评论。最好应该视其为北美普遍存在的现象。当然也有例外，在美国，心胸狭隘的官员、举止粗鲁的招待以及缺乏教养的出租车司机也并不罕见。但由于人们常得出上述结论，那就值得议论一番了。 在过去很长一段时间，在美国很多地方，旅行者的到来对沉闷的生活有着调节作用。那时人们居住相距遥远、沉闷、孤寂是普遍存在的问题。陌生人和旅行者很受欢迎，能给他们带来消遣娱乐，同时还带来了外部世界的消息。 拓荒者面对的严酷生活现实也促成这一好客传统。独自旅行时，如果没有了食物，受了伤或生了病，通常只能向最近的小屋或村落求助。对旅行者来说，这不是选择的问题，对当地来说，这也并非出于要行善的一时冲动。它反映了日常生活的严酷性：如果你不接纳他，那他再找不到别人了。请记住，没准儿哪天你也会面临相同的处境。
问答题这种飞机体积不大，价格便宜，无人驾驶。
问答题There is still a lot of debate about whether acupuncture can help cure heart ailments and germcaused diseases.
问答题{{B}}obal Industrialization{{/B}}
Industrialization changed the world. Few places on earth have escaped its impact. However, the nature of the impact varies from place to place. Understanding the global consequences of industrialization requires an understanding of how industrialization differed in each place.
Industrialization is always initially a regional, not a national, phenomenon as demonstrated by the long industrial lag of the American South. Many other parts of Western Europe plus the United States followed Britain in the early 19th century. A few other European regions -- Sweden, Holland, northern Italy -- began serious industrialization only at mid-century. The next big wave of new industrialization, beginning around the 1880s, embraced Russia and Japan. A final round (to present) included the rapid industrialization of the rest of the Pacific Rim (especially South Korea and Taiwan) by the 1960s.
Various factors shaped the nature of industrialization in each place. In Britain, for example, industrialization succeeded when it depended on individual inventors and relatively small companies. It began to lag, however, in the corporate climate of the later 19th century. In contrast, Germany surged forward when industrialization featured larger organizations, more impersonal management structures, and collaborative research rather than artisan-tinkerers. In Germany, the state was also more directly involved in industrialization than in Britain.
French industrialization emphasized updated craft products. This reflected not only earlier national specialties, but also less adequate resources in coal, a factor that held heavy industry back. Furniture workers, for example, used pre-set designs to turn out furniture quickly, but they resented dilutions of their artistic skill. The United States' industrialization depended on immigrant labor. Unlike Germany, however, the United States introduced laws that combated businesses big enough to throttle competition, though the impact of these laws was uneven. The United States with its huge market also pioneered the new economic stage of mass consumerism that ultimately had a worldwide impact.
The consequences of industrialization are, ultimately, global. By the early 19th century, Europe's factories pushed back more traditional manufacturing in areas like Latin America and India. At the same time, industrial centers sought new food resources and raw materials, prompting these sectors to expand in places like Chile and Brazil.
Gradually, however, other societies copied industrialization or at least developed an independent industrial sector. Much of 20th-century world history, in fact, involves efforts by societies like India, China, Iran, or Brazil to reduce their dependence on imports and mount a selective export operation through industry. Industrialization's environmental impact has also been international. Industrialization quickly affected local water and air quality around factories. Industrial demands for agricultural products, like robber, caused deforestation and soil changes in places like Brazil. These patterns have accelerated as industrial growth has spread more widely, creating modern issues such as global warming. The world impact of industrialization, in these senses, remains an unfinished story as the 21st century begins.
Given the global impact of industrialization, it is increasingly important that we understand its nature and its consequences. Whereas the impact of industrialization is easy to understand on a personal level -- how it affects where and how we work or live our lives -- it is more difficult to understand its nature on a global level, particularly when its global pattern is so complex. History provides a means toward this understanding. By understanding the causes, the variations, and the historic consequences of the Industrial Revolution, we can better understand our present circumstances and, hopefully, shape future industrializations for the good.
问答题Plans are well under way for a year of celebrations to mark the upcoming bicentennial of one of Poland"s favorite native sons-Frédéric, Chopin.
The prestigious International Chopin Competition for pianists will mark its 16th edition in October 2010. Held every five years, the competition draws scores of young musicians from all over the world. In addition, Warsaw"s Chopin Museum, with the world"s largest collection of Chopin documents and other artifacts, will undergo a total redesign, modernization and expansion.
A lavishly illustrated new guidebook called "Chopin"s Poland" was already published this year. It leads visitors to dozens of sites in Warsaw and elsewhere around the country where the composer lived, ate, studied, performed, visited or even partied.
"Actually, Chopin doesn"t need to be promoted, but we hope that Poland and Polish culture can be promoted through Chopin," said Monika Strugala, who is coordinating the Chopin 2010 program under the aegis of the Fryderyk Chopin Institute, a body set up by the Sejm in 2001 to promote and protect Chopin"s work and image.
"We want to confirm to all that he is a very, very important Polish symbol," she said. Indeed, it"s not much of an exaggeration to say that Chopin"s music flows through the Polish national consciousness like some sort of cultural lifeblood.
The son of a Polish mother and a French émigré father, Chopin was born in a manor house at Zelazowa Wola, about 50 kilometers, or 30 miles, west of Warsaw, and moved to Warsaw as an infant.
The manor is something of a Chopin shrine—since the 1930s it has been a museum and center for concerts. Like the Chopin Museum in Warsaw, it, too, is undergoing extensive renovation as part of bicentennial preparations.
Chopin spent his first 20 years in and around Warsaw. He was already a noted pianist as a boy and composed concertos and other important works as a teenager. He carried Polish soil with him when he left Warsaw on a concert tour in 1830, just a few weeks before the outbreak of the November Uprising, an abortive Polish revolt against Czarist Russia, which then ruled Warsaw and a broad swath of Polish territory.
Chopin remained in exile in France after the uprising was crushed. But so attached was he to his native land that after his death in Paris in 1849 his heart—on his own instructions— was brought back to Warsaw for interment. The rest of his body is buried in the Père Lachaise cemetery in Paris.
"For where your treasure is, there your heart will be also," reads the Biblical inscription on a plaque where his heart is kept today, preserved in an urn and concealed in a pillar of the Holy Cross Church in central Warsaw. Mozart"s "Requiem" will be performed here as part of Bicentennial events.
Exile and patriotism, as well as extraordinary genius, have long made Chopin"s appeal transcend all manner of social and political divides.
Polish folk motifs thread through some of his finest pieces, and patriotic fervor, as well as homesick longing, infuse some of his best-known works.
问答题1．由于消费支出占国家总产出的大约三分之二，所以恢复消费者信心是格林斯潘和国会的当务之急。
2．许多美国企业，尤其是飞机和其他高价值工业的机械和设备制造商坚持认为，这些法规对抵制欧盟实施的经WTO批准的出口增值税退税来说是必要的。
3．当一个WTO成员国政府就某一争端提出投诉而且该投诉政府认为其利益正受到另一成员政府行为的损害时，争端解决机构(DSB)才了解到该事件。
4．在过去五年里，欧洲的商业及企业环境也发生了可观的变化；私募股权投资公司已经成为新的投资来源，它的出现提高了就业率，同时也创造了新的价值。
5．韦尔奇并非出身富贵之门，也决非一夜成名，他是靠自己的奋斗脱颖而出的。
问答题提起东盟国家，我就想起去年在东盟会议上，马哈蒂尔先生和吴作栋先生曾经形象地把中国比喻成一个友好的大象。
他们说，中国的崛起不会对他们存在任何威胁。中国有5000年的文明史，有过辉煌的过去，也有过屈辱的往事。中国的崛起是多少代中国人的梦想。中国和平崛起的要义在什么地方?
第一，中国和平崛起就是要充分利用世界和平的大好时机，努力发展和壮大自己。同时又以自己的发展，维护世界和平。
第二，中国的崛起应把基点主要放在自己的力量上，独立自主、自力更生，艰苦奋斗，依靠广阔的国内市场、充足的劳动力资源和雄厚的资金储备，以及改革带来的机制创新。
第三，中国的崛起离不开世界。中国必须坚持开放的政策，在平等互利的原则上，同世界一切友好国家发展经贸往来。
第四，中国的崛起需要很长的时间，恐怕要多少代人的努力奋斗。
第五，中国的崛起不会妨碍任何人，也不会威胁任何人，也不会牺牲任何人。中国现在不称霸，将来即使强大了也永远不会称霸。
问答题Finally, oil and other petroleum products that are spilled into bodies of water foul beaches and kill sea birds and mammals, such as dolphins and whales.
问答题The villages and towns were usually perched on the edge [of the farms] so as not to waste arable soil and because there was a need, before the High dam tamed the Nile, to live beyond the reach of the annual floods.
问答题如若持久的竞争优势依靠劳动力的技能，美国公司就存在一个问题。美国公司一贯不把人力资源管理看作生存竞争的核心问题。技能的获得被认为是个人的责任。劳动力和原材料及设备一样，只是另外一种以尽可能低的成本雇佣或租赁的生产要素。