When young college graduates decide where to move, they are not just looking at the usual suspects, like New York, Washington and San Francisco. Other cities are increasing their share of these valuable residents at an even higher rate and have reached a high overall percentage, led by Denver, San Diego, Nashville, Salt Lake City and Portland, Ore. , according to a report published Monday by City Observatory, a new think tank. And as young people continue to spurn the suburbs for urban living, more of them are moving to the very heart of cities. The number of college-educated people age 25 to 34 living within three miles of city centers has surged, up 37 % since 2000. Some cities are attracting young talent while their overall population falls, like Pittsburgh and New Orleans. And in a reversal, others that used to be magnets, like Atlanta and Charlotte, are struggling to attract them at the same rate. Even as Americans over all have become less likely to move, young, college educated people continue to move at a high clip—about a million cross state lines each year. Where they end up provides a map of the cities that have a chance to be the economic powerhouses of the future. "There is a very strong track record of places that attract talent becoming places of long-term success," said economist Edward Glaeser, "The most successful economic development policy is to attract and retain smart people and then get out of their way. " The economic effects reach beyond the work the young people do, according to economist Enrico Moretti, For every college graduate who takes a job in an innovation industry, he found, five additional jobs are eventually created in that city. "It's a type of growth that feeds on itself—the more young workers you have, the more companies are interested in locating their operations in that area and the more young people are going to move there," he said. About 25% more young college graduates live in major metropolitan areas today than in 2000, which is double the percentage increase in cities' total population. All the 51 biggest metros except Detroit have gained young talent, either from net migration to the cities or from residents graduating from college. It is based on data from the American Community Survey and written by Joe Cortright, an economisl who runs City Observatory and Impresa, a consulting firm on regional economies. Denver has become one of the most powerful magnets. Its population of the young and educated is up 47% since 2000, nearly double the percentage increase in the New York metro area. And 7. 5% of Denver's population is in this group, more than the national average of 5. 2%. Denver has many of the tangible things young people want, economists say, including mountains, sunshine and jobs in booming industries like tech. Perhaps more important, it also has the ones that give cities the perception of cultural cool. "With lots of cultural things to do and getting away to the mountains, you can have the work-play balance more than any place I've ever lived," said Colleen Douglass, 27, a video producer at a start-up Craftsy. "There's this really thriving start-up scene here, and the sense we can be in a place we love and work at a cool new company. " Other cities that have had significant increases in a young and educated population and that now have more than their share include San Diego, Baltimore, Pittsburgh, Indianapolis, Nashville, Salt Lake City and Portland, Ore. At the other end of the spectrum are the cities where less than 4% of the population are young college graduates. Among those, Detroit lost about 10% of this group, while Providence gained just 6% and Memphis 10%. Atlanta, one of the biggest net gainers of young graduates in the 1990s, has taken a sharp turn. Its young, educated population has increased just 2. 8% since 2000, significantly less than its overall population. It is suffering the consequences of overenthusiasm for new houses and new jobs before the crash, economists say. The effects of the migration of the young are most vividly seen in urban cores. In 1980, young adults were 10% more likely than other people to live in these areas, according to the report from City Observatory, which is sponsored by the Knight Foundation. In 2010, they were 51% more likely, and those with college degrees were 126% more likely. The trend extends to all the largest metropolitan areas except Detroit and Birmingham. Of the most populous metropolitan areas, Washington and Philadelphia showed the largest increases of young adults living there, at 75 and 78%. Washington also had the largest share of young college graduates over all, at 8. 1%. "They want somelhing exciting, culturally fun, involving a lot of diversity—and their fathers' suburban lifestyle doesn't seem to be all that thrilling," Mr. Glaeser said. How many eventually desert the city centers as they age remains to be seen, but demographers predict that many will stay. They say that could bolster city economies, lead to decreases in crime and improvements in public schools. If the trends continue, places like Pittsburgh and Buffalo could develop a new reputation— as role models for resurgence.

{{B}}Passage TranslationDirections: In this part of the test, you will hear 2 passages in English. You will hear the passages ONLY ONCE. After you have heard each passage, translate it into Chinese and write your version in the corresponding space in your ANSWER BOOKLET. You may take notes while you are listening.{{/B}}

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{{B}}Part B Listening and TranslationTask 1 Sentence TranslationDirections: In this part of the test, you will hear 5 English sentences. You will hear the sentences ONLY ONCE. After you have heard each sentence, translate it into Chinese and write your version in the corresponding space in your ANSWER BOOKLET.{{/B}}

BSECTION 3: TRANSLATION TEST(1)Directions: Translate the following passage into Chinese and write your version in the corresponding space in your ANSWER BOOKLET./B

{{B}}Part B Listening ComprehensionDirections: In this part of the test there will be some short talks and conversations. After each one, you will be asked some questions. The talks, conversations and questions will be spoken ONLY ONCE. Now listen carefully and choose the right answer to each question you have heard and write the letter of the answer you have chosen in the corresponding space in your ANSWER BOOKLET.{{/B}}

The English poet Samuel Taylor Coleridge said that watching Edmund Kean, the great tragedian of the London stage 200 years ago, was like "reading Shakespeare by flashes of lightning". That's how we like our great moments in history to be, surrounded by drama, attended by heroes. By those standards, the process that led to the signing of the Treaty of Rome 50 years ago was almost ineffably mundane—a series of long meetings of forgotten bureaucrats in rooms foul with tobacco smoke. No blood was shed, few memorable speeches made; the heroes were those who could cajole a compromise into being over a hurried coffee, or draft a clause with exactly the right kind of nice phrase that would win broad support. Yet the founding of the European Economic Community in 1957 was a momentous event. Today's Europe is the largest expanse of peace and widely shared prosperity in the world. It is perfectly true that the EEC—as it was called in 1957, the European Union as it is now—is not solely responsible for that happy outcome. After the carnage of World War II, it was as much American minds and muscle as European ones that determined that Europe needed new institutions binding nations together if it was to avoid the catastrophes of war. Indeed, NATO and the Marshall Plan, both hatched in Washington, predated the EEC's precursor, the European Coal and Steel Community. Yet for all that, the decision in 1957 by six nations to pool sovereignty in multinational institutions marked a decisive break with the past. As it became apparent that the EEC worked—that common markets provided the sort of stability in which economies can grow—so its appeal spread. Soon, everyone with a claim to be European wanted to join. With the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989, the time was ripe for a dramatic expansion of the EU to the east, and gradually, that happened. The EU now has 27 members, including three former Soviet republics. The EU has spawned admirers—how could it not?—but not imitators. No other multinational grouping—not Mercosur in Latin America, not ASEAN in Southeast Asia—has anything like the powerful institutions of the Union. Europe's history and geography, it turns out, are unique. Its nations are small enough and close enough to understand each other and have shared values; but at the same time, all of Europe lived through such horrors in the 20th century that its nations' postwar leaders needed little convincing of the virtues of cooperation. In Europe, nationalism has a bad name; in much of the rest of the world, where the memory of colonialism is still fresh, it is a source of pride and identity. Though Americans were midwives to the EU's birth—Dean Acheson, the postwar US Secretary of State, thought that Britain had made a historic error by failing to join the coal and steel community—they have often since been bemused by Europe's lack of nationalistic assertiveness. As Roger Cohen wrote in the International Herald Tribune recently, "The quiet glory of the postnational, postmodern entity is not the glory of the young, vigorous, flag-waving America." True, that judgment would have been harder to make in the early 1990s. Then, Jacques Delors was the President of the European Commission, the single currency was being planned, and Francois Mitterrand and Helmut Kohl were shaping European policy. It seemed certain that political union would follow the economic variety and the EU become a second democratic Atlantic superpower. But that dream was curdled by European dithering in the Balkan wars and by the concomitant realization that European electorates had no stomach for displays of superpowerdom as they have been conventionally measured: that is to say, in killing capability. In 2005, voters in France and the Netherlands—two founding members—rejected a draft European constitution, without which political union is impossible. Javier Solana, the EU's estimable foreign affairs czar, may bustle around the Middle East as he has been doing of late, but nobody pretends that when he does so he carries the weight of the US Secretary of State. But perhaps the old measures of power and influence are not adequate to our time. After all, the horrors of Iraq are loud testimony to the limitations of hard power, applied by men bearing arms. The nations and people of the EU are generous when it comes to aiding the poor and disadvantaged; sensible in forming policies that address pressing environmental challenges. And perhaps above all—as the next four pages show—the institutions that give shape to Europe's growing unity have made life better for those who live there. That seems a timid, small success. But for anyone old enough to remember the European misery out of which the Treaty of Rome took shape, it is a stunning miracle.

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作为一个中国人，经书不可不读。我年过三十才知道读书自修的重要。我披阅、我圈点，但是恒心不足，时作时辍。“五十以学易，可以无大过矣”，我如今年过八十，还没有接触过易经，说来惭愧。史书也很重要。我出国留学的时候，我父亲买了一套同文石印的前四史，塞满了我的行箧的一半空间。我在国外混了几年之后又把前四史原封带回来了，直到四十年后才鼓起勇气读了《通鉴》一遍。现在我要读的书太多，深感时间有限。我的好多时间都糊里糊涂地混过去了，“少壮不努力，老大徒伤悲。”

The cars, SUVs and pickups people will buy in the years ahead are likely to use less fuel, and many will rely on ethanol or household electricity instead of gasoline. The energy legislation pushed through the Senate this week provides a roadmap to the future, demanding higher automobile fuel economy, mandating huge increases in ethanol as a motor fuel and supporting more research into building "plug-in" hybrid-electric vehicles. While Senate Republicans complained that the bill does nothing to increase domestic oil production, Democrats said that's because the nation must move energy policy away from its heavy reliance on oil. The House is preparing its own version. The Senate bill requires automakers to increase fuel economy to 35 miles per gallon, about a 40 percent increase over what cars, SUVs and small trucks are required to achieve now. It would lump all the vehicles under a single regulation, but also give manufacturers flexibility so large SUVs wouldn't have to meet the same requirements as smaller cars. It requires a yearly increase of ethanol production to 36 billion gallons a year by 2022, a sevenfold increase from today. By 2015 half of the new vehicles offered to buyers—as many as 10 million—will have to be capable of running on 85 percent ethanol, biodiesel or some other alternative energy source. And for the first time, the president must find ways to cut oil demand by 20 percent of what it is expected to be in 2017—a target President Bush has embraced—and attain further reductions after that. Gasoline demand is expected to grow 13 percent to 261 billion gallons a year by 2017 without some fuel saving measures. But will auto showrooms provide the same selection of vehicles? Will they be as big, as powerful, as safe? "I would expect them to look a lot like they do today, the same size, the same acceleration and the same or even better safety," says David Friedman, director of the clean vehicles program at the Union of Concerned Scientists. He maintains they will have better technology, better engines, more efficient transmissions and stronger aluminum bodies. They'll cost a little more but use much less gasoline. "The goal is to replace fossil fuels with alternative fuels and use conservation," said Sen. Maria Cantwell, D-Wash., who was involved in the discussions on many of the auto fuel economy and motor fuel issues that ended up in the bill. What has changed from a few years ago, she said, is there no longer is "a fear factor that you're going to be in itty bitty cars" if the government requires automakers to make more fuel efficient vehicles. In addition to making conventional cars more fuel efficient, the bill seeks to boost research into use of lithium ion batteries— like those used in laptop computers and cameras—in vehicles. Should ways be found to make them more durable in a vehicle environment, cars could be plugged into an electric socket at home, relying only rarely on gasoline, says Friedman. Some studies have estimated the fuel cost—mostly the cost of electricity and a small amount of gasoline—would be equivalent to about $1 a gallon, said Cantwell. Automakers, lobbying hard against the fuel economy provision in the Senate bill, expressed continued concern Friday about their ability to meet the new requirements without changing the mix of cars they will be able to provide in the showrooms of 2020. "There's no way you can get those numbers without a dramatic shift in consumer choice," insisted Mark LaNeve, General Motors' vice president of North America sales, service and marketing. "We don't know how it's attainable." Eric Ridenour, chief operating officer at Chrysler Group, where three of every four vehicles are built on truck frames, said the company will have to decide whether to keep selling some of its larger vehicles. "Clearly the larger family-sized vehicles will be the ones that will be most at risk," said Ridenour. "The end result will be lighter, smaller vehicles in general." He envisioned generally smaller cars and more of them running on diesel. Ford Motor Co. is committed to increasing auto fuel economy, said Alan Mulally, the company's chief executive. "It's what customers want. It's what they value." But is it possible technically to meet the proposed 35 mpg fleet requirements even with a new way of calculating compliance taking into account vehicles size? "That's the only debate," said Mulally on Friday at a Ford assembly plant in Chicago where the company was introducing its new Taurus model, one that travels 28 mpg on the open road.

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Passage 1

The practical business of finding highly productive agents and joint ventures in the foreign market for many still remains an enigma. Often, US companies are relying on luck instead of strategy in identifying their international representation. Many companies get into exporting almost by happenstance: Most export sales are simply a spin-off from domestic contracts. Simply, most agent and distributor relationships are born from random inquiries or chance meetings at trade shows. When asked how they obtained their international representation, many companies have no recollection whatsoever of how or why the relationship began. Strange as it may seem, the same is true of joint venture relationships. With the growing use of the internet, one could be fooled into thinking the odds of success in finding that elusive, top-performing trade partner will be increased. The key is to remember at all times that promotional materials are not stand-alone, clean "information". The Internet can be used to provide indicators of activity and reach; however, these benefits in no way eliminate the more conventional, strategic wisdom that highly successful sales organizations, in one way or another, employ.

Corporate America has long known that the best defense is a good offense. It's no wonder then that the healthcare industry has rallied the troops in recent weeks in anticipation of Michael Moore's newest documentary, Sicko, due out in theaters nationwide on Friday. Though few people have actually seen Sicko yet, there's been wide-ranging speculation that the film and its maker could be the catalysts Americans need in order to demand reform of their ailing medical care system. With an emphasis on the 47 million uninsured in the US, Moore not only presents a chilling assessment of the status quo but goes on to advocate for the socialist approach of Canada, France and Cuba as a more effective alternative. "We're in a battle with these corporations who want to maintain their position," Moore said recently. "They don't want to give an inch on this, and we're out to upset the apple cart." The healthcare industry is on red alert. Jeff McWaters, CEO of the HMO Amerigroup, has listed the film's June 29 release among the "headline risks" for the industry. Sicko has already sparked heated debate and more is certain to come. "People see Moore as uniquely honest and truthful in a corporate landscape," says Pat Aufderheide, a communications professor at American University. "He has a way of saying the things his audience has already been thinking to themselves and making them seriously consider acting on those thoughts." Both of Moore's first two major films—1998's Roger & Me, about General Motors, and 2002's Bowling for Columbine, on the gun industry—brought unprecedented attention to their respective topics. And the director achieved a new level of success with his 2004 Bush-bashing hit Fahrenheit 9/11, which marked the tipping point of the popular resentment against the Iraq war. Moore's current opponents have tried to launch pre-emptive strikes at the director and his moviemaking practices. On June 13, the Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America (PhRMA), which represents leading drugmakers such as Eli Lilly, Merck and GlaxoSmithKline, issued a statement dismissing Moore as "a political activist with a track record for sensationalism". PhRMA went on to say "a review of America's health care system should be balanced, thoughtful and well-researched" before adding, "Unfortunately, you won't get that from Michael Moore." America's Health Insurance Plans, whose members include HMOs Aetna and Cigna, handed its own news releases last week emphasizing the need for "a uniquely American solution". Health CareAmerica, a non-profit financed in part by pharmaceutical and hospital companies, held briefings to document the long wait-times common to government-run healthcare, such as those run by France and Cuba, and posted videos on its Web site detailing horror stories from Canada's system. "Mr. Moore is not telling the whole story. He plays fast and loose with the facts," says the group's executive director Sarah Berk. "We're here to educate the public on what he has left out." Moore, meanwhile, has built up vocal support in his corner as well. The director and his producers have hired a team of political operatives to respond to industry attacks, including Chris Lehane, best known for his role as a consultant on the Gore and Kerry presidential campaigns. Moore has held several well-attended press conferences in weeks leading up to the film's release, and publicity for Sicko has included private screening on both Capitol Hill and Wall Street. The film has also gained the backing of many healthcare labor groups, such as the California Nurses Association (CAN), which aims to place a nurse in each of the 3,000 theaters across the country where Sicko is shown in a campaign called "Scrubs for Sicko". The film is "not just an indictment of an indefensible healthcare industry in the US," says CAN'S executive director Rose Ann DeMoro. "It's a rejoinder for those who think we can fix the soulless monster by tinkering with an unconscionable system that puts us further in thrall to those who created the crisis."

In 2014, America's education system marked an important milestone. For the first time, children of color became a majority among K-12 public school students nationwide. Today schools are crossing a second, more troubling, barrier. The latest figures show that 51% of public school students attend schools in which a majority of their classmates qualify as poor or low-income under federal guidelines. This deepening concentration of economic need complicates the intertwined challenges of equipping America's increasingly diverse young people with the education they need to reach the middle class and developing the skilled workers the U. S. needs to maintain its competitiveness. Without progress in addressing the hardening isolation of low-income families, school reform alone is unlikely to produce the educational results America needs. Two converging trends are driving this confluence of negative factors. One is the overall trajectory of poverty. When Bill Clinton left office, the poverty rate for children under 18 stood just over 16%. That rose to 19% under George W. Bush and peaked at 22% under President Obama in 2010. The poverty rate is now 21%. However, it is about 33% for both African Americans and Latinos. The second trend is the growing isolation of poor people. In an important paper this fall, Century Foundation scholar Richard Kahlenberg noted that both rich and poor families are more separated from families in other income brackets today than in 1970. Figures compiled by the Annie E. Casey Foundation's Kids Count project show that over the last decade, the share of kids living in neighborhoods of concentrated poverty(defined as places where at least 30% of the residents are poor)has increased in most major cities—for example, from 25% to 34% in Los Angeles and 29% to 36% in Chicago. These intersecting trends have swelled the portion of kids in schools that also experience concentrated economic need. In 1999, 28% of public school students attended schools where most of their classmates qualified as poor or low-income—their families earned about $ 45,000 or less for a family of four. That number has rocketed to almost 51% , roughly 25 million kids. For students of color, the figures are even higher. Nationwide, about three-fourths of African American and Latino students attend majority-low-income schools. By contrast, only about one-third of whites attend such economically strained schools. In the Chicago school system, where 85% of students are black or Latino, the concentration of economic need is overwhelming. In 77 of the city's roughly 680 public schools, at least 99% of the students qualify as poor or low-income. The share tops 90% in another 388 schools. In only 50 schools do less than half of students qualify as low-income. " You' re a fourth-grade teacher and coming into that door is 30 students from poverty, broken homes, crime and you are supposed to just, on your own, turn that around," Chicago Mayor Rahm Emanuel told me at a forum I moderated here this week. "That's impossible. " Innovative and tenacious educators can make progress despite these trends. Chicago has developed a creative program of early intervention that has dramatically increased high school graduation rates from about 55% in 2009 to 70% now, with both African American and Latino students demonstrating significant gains. Since 2003, the share of the city' s fourth-graders who score as "proficient" on National Assessment of Educational Progress(NAEP)tests has tripled in math and more than doubled in reading(though in each case to only around 30%). Gregory Jones, principal of Chicago's Kenwood Academy High School, a school where two-thirds of students are low-income, says that slightly more than half of their graduates now finish with some college credit. Likewise, across all large cities, African American, Latino and low-income students have posted gains in reading and math since 2003. But the larger trend is the durability of income and racial disparities. The latest NAEP results for large cities found that only about one-fifth of students who qualified as low-income reached the(highest)proficient level in fourth-grade reading or math, compared to just over half of more affluent classmates in reading and nearly three-fifths in math. It's fair to demand that schools rethink and reform to ensure that the interests of children take precedence over the priorities of the adults who run the system. But it's unrealistic to ask schools to equalize opportunity alone, without more aggressive efforts to revitalize poor neighborhoods and to help more families relocate to more stable communities. Despite heroic exceptions, any national strategy that hopes to improve schools without improving neighborhoods simply won't add up.

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An imposing theatre has stood on the banks of the River Avon in William Shakespeare's home town since 1879. The first theatre burned down in 1926; a second, now known as the Royal Shakespeare Theatre (RST), opened in 1932. From the start, the building was scorned by most of the directors and many of the actors who worked there. "Sink it and start again," said Sir Tyrone Guthrie, a director, in 1950. They will soon have their way. After a final performance of a gripping production of "Coriolanus" on March 31st, the RST will close until 2010, and the theatre will be extensively remodelled before it reopens. However, instead of being a cause for celebration in the profession and among audiences, the closure is being accompanied by real regret. This imperfect theatre has been so influential in the lives of three generations of English theatre people that it has become the stuff of legend. Consequently, the fabric of the old building will be retained, wrapped around a newly designed theatre. "You wouldn't want to get rid of all your ghosts," says Simon Harper, the deputy project director. The old theatre was designed by a young woman called Elisabeth Scott in 1920s Modernist style. It was built of red brick and had fine art-deco decoration. The foyer box-office, for instance, is a gorgeous piece of early 20th-century design in stainless steel, green marble, bronze and silver bronze with ornamental grilles. The whole was rated Grade 2 (denoting a particularly important building of more than special interest) by English Heritage, the agency that lists historic buildings. But the auditorium is like a cinema, with the circle and the balcony isolated from the stage. Although successive artistic directors insisted on internal alterations to create a closer relationship between the actors and their audience, the company has long regarded the internal space as a relic. For modern audiences, which have grown up with television, the relationship with the actors is not intimate enough. Even so, audiences today remember a remarkable range of productions in the old theatre. "It's curious that such a dreadful theatre holds such memories of great events," says Sir Peter Hall, whose own begin with Peter Brook's Love's Labour's Lost in 1946. Sir Peter became artistic director in 1960, and he immediately had a forestage installed, like an Elizabethan apron stage. His regime is probably best remembered for its version of Shakespeare's history plays. Most directors since then have repeated this testing exercise in producing Shakespeare. Michael Boyd, the present artistic director, is in the middle of his version of the histories right now. During the closure of the RST, performances will take place in a new theatre up the road, called the Courtyard. This basic rusted steel box (it rises to 15.2 metres or 50 feet), which was built in 11 months and opened in the summer of 2006, is an ingenious way of managing the transition between the old and the new. Studies by a major accounting firm suggest that the presence of the Royal Shakespeare Company (RSC) benefits the local economy by ￡57 million ($112 million) a year. Complete closure for three years would have dire consequences for the smart shops in the town centre. So Arts Council England released ￡6 million from the ￡50 million it is contributing to the whole project to build the Courtyard. (The Stratford theatre's commercial significance explains the contribution of ￡20 million by Advantage West Midland, a regional development agency, to the ￡100 million development budget. Only ￡15 million has still to be found, and the RSC has not yet begun to tap its loyal supporters.) The Courtyard is a model for the new auditorium. Because it is so different from the old, the directors and actors wanted to work out how best to perform in it. The audience of 1,050 sits in three shallow tiers of seats on three sides of a stage that juts out over ten metres from the proscenium. This is known as a thrust stage, and it is controversial—actors often have their backs to the audience, making audibility a problem. But, because of the intimacy it allows between audience and actors, the RSC is wedded to it. Sir Peter, for example, prefers the less prominent apron stage in his new theatre in Kingston upon Thames, but a thrust stage has been used successfully in the smaller Swan theatre, part of the old theatre building. (It will be mothballed during the redevelopment.) Since the Swan has been where directors and actors have preferred to work and the audience has been enthusiastic, Mr. Boyd decided to recreate it on a larger scale in the new theatre. "Our inspiration is the crowded, secular complexity of the Elizabethan courtyard," he says. The final planning application for the project will be considered next month. Apparently, the only controversial item is a 35-metre tower with lifts and a bridge to the theatre to take the audience to the circle and balcony. On top of the tower is an observation platform that some councilors say is obtrusive. But there is no argument about plans for Scott's distinguished red-brick monument to the Bard. "Knocking it down would have been quicker and cheaper," says Vikki Heywood, the RSC's executive director. But it was not an option. Thank goodness.

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