问答题第五题主旨题

问答题月光如流水一般，静静地泻在这一片叶子和花上。薄薄的青雾浮起在荷塘里。叶子和花仿佛在牛乳中洗过一样；又像笼着轻纱的梦。虽然是满月，天上却有一层淡淡的云，所以不能朗照；但我以为这恰是到了好处——酣眠固不可少，小睡也别有风味的。月光是隔了树照过来的，高处丛生的灌木，落下参差的斑驳的黑影，峭愣愣如鬼一般；弯弯的杨柳的稀疏的倩影，却又像是画在荷叶上。塘中的月色并不均匀；但光与影有着和谐的旋律，如梵婀玲上奏着的名曲。

问答题A commonplace criticism of American culture is its excessive preoccupation with material goods and corresponding neglect of the human spirit. Americans, it is alleged, worship only "the almighty dollar". We scramble to "keep up with the Joneses". The love affair between Americans and their automobiles has been a continuing subject of derisive commentary by both foreign and domestic critics. Americans are said to live by a quantitative ethic. Bigger is better, whether in bombs or sedans. The classical virtues of grace, harmony, and economy of both means and ends are lost on most Americans. As a result, we are said to be swallowing up the world's supply of natural resources, which are irreplaceable. Americans constitute 6 percent of the world's population but consume over a third of the world's energy. These are now familiar complaints. Indeed, in some respects Americans may believe the "pursuit of happiness" to mean the pursuit of material things.

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问答题Directions: In this part of the test, you will hear 2 passages in English. You will hear the passages ONLY ONCE. After you have heard each passage, translate it into Chinese and write your version in the corresponding space in your ANSWER BOOKLET. You may take notes while you are listening.

问答题Why do so many companies in old industries start to curb their greenhouse gas emissions?

问答题近代以来，亚洲经历了曲折和艰难的发展历程。亚洲人们为改变自己的命运，始终以不屈的意志和艰辛的奋斗开辟前进道路。今天，人们所看到的亚洲发展成就，是勤劳智慧的亚洲人民不屈不挠、锲而不舍奋斗的结果。 　　亚洲人民深知，世界上没有放之四海而皆准的发展模式，也没有一成不变的发展道路，亚洲人民勇于变革创新，不断开拓进取，探索和开辟适应时代潮流，符合自身实际的发展道路，为经济社会发展打开了广阔前景。

问答题Directions: In this part of the test, you will hear 5 sentences in English. You will hear the sentences ONLY ONCE. After you have heard each sentence, translate it into Chinese and write your version in the corresponding space in your ANSWER BOOKLET.

问答题没有一个人将小草叫做大力士，但它的力量之大，的确世界无比。这种力量是一般人看不见的生命力。只要生命存在，这种力就要显现，上面的石块丝毫不足以阻挡它，因为这是一种“长期抗战”的力，有弹性、能屈能伸的力，有韧性、不达目的不罢休的力。 如果不落在肥土中而落在瓦砾中，有生命力的种子决不会悲观、叹气，它相信有了阻力才有磨炼。生命开始的一瞬间就带着斗志而来的草才是坚韧的草，也只有这种草，才可以傲然对那些玻璃棚中养育着的盆花嗤笑。

问答题上海大剧院 上海大剧院位于市中心人民广场，占地面积约为2.1公顷，建筑风格独特，造型优美。它成为上海又一个标志性建筑，使人民广场成为上海名副其实的政治文化中心。 上海大剧院由法国一家著名的建筑设计公司设计，总建筑面积为62,803平方米，总高度为40米，分地下2层，地面6层，顶部2层，共计10层。其建筑风格新颖别致，融汇了东西方的文化韵味。白色弧形拱顶和具有光感的玻璃幕墙有机结合，在灯光的烘托下，宛如一个水晶般的宫殿。 大剧院有近2,000平方米的大堂作为观众的休闲区域，大堂的主要色调为白色，高雅而圣洁。大堂上空悬挂着由6片排箫灯架组合而成的大型水晶吊灯，地面采用举世罕见的希腊水晶白大理石，图案形似琴键，白色巨型的大理石柱子和两边的台阶极富节奏感，让人一走进大堂就仿佛置身于一个音乐的世界。 大剧院兼具歌剧、芭蕾、交响乐及综艺节目的演出功能。它共有三个剧场，大剧场1,800座，分为正厅、二层、三层楼座及6个包厢。中剧场750座，小剧场300座。 大剧场的舞台设施也是世界一流的，分为主舞台、后舞台和左右两个侧舞台，可作平移、升降、倾斜、旋转等变换。音响和灯光设备更具独特性能。舞台设备全部采用计算机控制，能满足世界上级别最高的剧团的演出要求。 上海大剧院自1998年8月27日开业以来，已成功上演过歌剧、音乐剧、芭蕾、交响乐、室内乐、话剧、戏曲等各类大型演出和综艺晚会，在国内外享有很高的知名度，许多国家领导人和外国政要、国际知名人士光临大剧院后，给予了高度评价，认为上海大剧院是建筑与艺术的完美结晶。上海大剧院正日益成为上海重要的中外文化交流窗口和艺术沟通的桥梁。

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问答题A newspaper cannot publish for 174 years without some mistakes. This one has made its share. We thought Britain was safe in the European exchange-rate mechanism just weeks before it crashed out; we noted in 1999 that $10 oil might reach $5; and in 2003 we supported the invasion of Iraq. For individuals, like publications, errors are painful—particularly now, when the digital evidence of failure is both accessible and indelible. But they are also inevitable. The trick is to err well: to recognise mistakes and learn from them. Worryingly, humanity may be getting worse at owning up to its goofs. Few enjoy the feeling of being caught out in an error. But real trouble starts when the desire to avoid a reckoning leads to a refusal to grapple with contrary evidence. Economists often assume that people are rational. Yet years of economic research illuminate the ways in which human cognition veers from rationality. Studies confirm that people frequently disregard information that conflicts with their view of the world. Why should that be? Last year Roland Benabou and jean Tirole presented a framework for thinking about the problem. In many ways, beliefs are like other goods. People spend time and resources building them, and derive value from them. Some beliefs are like consumption goods. Other beliefs provide value by shaping behaviour. The conviction that one is a good salesman may help generate the confidence needed to close sales. Because beliefs are not simply tools for making good decisions, but are treasured in their own right, new information that challenges them is unwelcome. People often engage in "motivated reasoning" to manage such challenges. Mr Benabou classifies this into three categories. "Strategic ignorance" is when a believer avoids information offering conflicting evidence. In "reality denial" troubling evidence is rationalised away: houseprice bulls might conjure up fanciful theories for why prices should behave unusually, and supporters of a disgraced politician might invent conspiracies. And lastly, in "self-signalling", the believer creates his own tools to interpret the facts in the way he wants: an unhealthy person might decide that going for a daily run proves he is well. Motivated reasoning is a cognitive bias to which better-educated people are especially prone. Not all the errors it leads to are costly. But when biases are shared, danger lurks. Motivated reasoning helps explain why viewpoints polarise even as more information is more easily available than ever before. That it is easy to find convincing demolitions of climate-change myths, for example, has not curbed misinformation on the topic. But the demand for good (or bad) information is uneven. Polling shows, for example, that Democrats with high levels of scientific knowledge are more concerned about climate change than fellow partisans with less scientific background. Even, or especially, sophisticated news consumers look for what they want to find. Work by Mr Benabou suggests that groupthink is highest when people within groups face a shared fate: when choosing to break from a group is unlikely to spare an individual the costs of the group"s errors. If a politician"s fortunes rise and fall with his party"s, breaking from groupthink brings little individual benefit (but may impose costs). The incentive to engage in motivated reasoning is high as a result. Even as the facts on a particular issue converge in one direction, parties can still become polarised around belief-sets. That, in turn, can make it harder for a party member to derive any benefit from breaking ranks. Indeed, the group has an incentive to delegitimise independent voices. So the unanimity of views can be hard to escape until it contributes to a crisis. Lowering the cost of admitting error could help defuse these crises. A new issue of Econ Journal Watch, an online journal, includes a symposium in which prominent economic thinkers are asked to provide their "most regretted statements". Held regularly, such exercises might take the shame out of changing your mind. Yet the symposium also shows how hard it is for scholars to grapple with intellectual regret. Some contributions are candid; Tyler Cowen"s analysis of how and why he understimated the risk of financial crisis in 2007 is enlightening. But some disappoint, picking out regrets that cast the writer in a flattering light or using the opportunity to shift blame. Public statements of regret are risky in a rigidly polarised world. Admissions of error both provide propaganda for ideological opponents and annoy fellow-travellers. Some economists used to seethe when members of the guild acknowledged that trade liberalisation could yield costs as well as benefits. In the long run, such self-censorship probably eroded trust in economists" arguments more than it built support for trade. It is rarely in the interest of those in the right to pretend that they are never wrong.

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问答题 Even on paper, urban sprawl looks ugly. It looks more so from the 110th floor of Chicago's Sears Tower. From there you can survey, into the misty distance, a metropolitan area that now encompasses no fewer than 265 separate municipalities and covers 3,800 square miles in six northeastern Illinois counties. The expansion of the region is sometimes described as growth. More accurately, Chicago has simply spread out. Between 1970 and 1990 the population of the metro area increased by only 4%, while land used for housing increased by 46%. More telling, land used for commercial development increased by a whopping 74%. The drawbacks of sprawl need no repetition: the isolation of less mobile (usually poorer) groups in the inner cities, and the premature abandonment of infrastructure. Worse, these problems are now overtaking the very suburbs that were once supposed to escape them. Between 1970 and 1990, the city of Chicago lost 17% of its population while the suburbs gained by 24%. But the inner suburbs lost people too. Over the past ten years, 70 inner-suburban towns have lost residents to towns on the periphery. A recent series in the Chicago Tribune, "The Graying of Suburbia", documented the population decline of inner-ring towns ranging from dilapidated Dolton and Harvey to relatively up-market Elmhurst and Skokie. In the harder-hit cases, population loss has been compounded by falling property values along with rising crime and unemployment. (Several inner suburbs have banned out-door "For Sale" signs to curb the growing sense of panic.) Their fate contrasts with Naperville, a booming outer suburb, which is currently developing a 10,000- acre site for 22 more housing tracts and several shopping malls. Since 1980, Naperville's population has more than doubled. The expanding towns on the edges make no apology for their prosperity. Sprawl is natural, they argue ; Americans live in smaller households ( true-house-holds increased by 20% when population grew by only 4%) and they want bigger houses (also true—and they want three-car garages ). Businesses in turn follow the outwardly mobile workers. They also appreciate the cheaper land and better roads. As a case in point, ask Sears. The very company that built the magnificent downtown skyscraper relocated 5,000 workers to the outer suburb of Hoffman Estates in 1992. Critics of sprawl argue that government deals an unfair hand. An article published this summer by the Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago shows that various incentives in the federal tax code, including the deductibility of mortgage payments, promote over-consumption of housing. The code also allows taxpayers to defer capital-gains taxes if they buy a new home of equal or greater value, which pushes buyers towards higher-priced houses—most of them on the edges of cities. Another subsidy is provided for cars, the sine qua non of suburban life. By some estimates, existing taxes on motorists cover only 60% of the real costs of government road-related services. Far from expanding under one central authority, almost all metro areas are tended by a hotch-potch of city, town and other smaller governments. (Metropolitan Chicago has over 1,200 separate tax districts, more than any other in the country.) The quality of the services provided by these governments depends on the quality of the local property that they have to tax; so aggressive jurisdictions offer rebates or subsidies to win juicy new developments. The outcome, on one front, is often the premature development of new land. Towns on the outskirts, armed with subsidies and plenty of space, lure development away from the center. In the past 20 years 440 square miles of farmland have been developed, with sites further in are abandoned. The city of Chicago alone has over 2,000 vacant manufacturing sites. Tax-base competition also encourages sprawl in other ways. When the taxing jurisdictions are so small, the departure of wealthier residents and business increased the strain on those left behind. Taxes must go up just to maintain the same level of services. Thus in Harvey, a declining suburb, the property tax on a $ 50,000 house is $1,400—whereas in booming Naperville, if it had such cheap houses, the rate would be around $900. At the same time, the Harvey property taxes do not stretch very far. Last year, the local school district was able to raise only $1,349 per elementary school pupil, compared with $7,178 in wealthy Wilmette. Although state funds help to even things out, the disparities become another reason to move. Over the long term, there is a chance that sprawl will not go unmanaged for ever: that the price of inner-city decline will eventually become too high. But it has not reached that point yet. The inner areas would like to see a regionally coordinated effort to pursue economic development (to diminish tax-base competition), or a region-wide sharing of commercial tax revenues, as has been tried to good effect in the Minneapolis—St Paul metropolitan area. But the deeper incentives to sprawl will still remain. Subsidies for home ownership are well guarded by lobbyists in Washington, and local governments are rightly jealous of their self- determination. For the time being, metropolitan areas like Chicago will just keep expanding. So what if it means loosening another notch on the belt?

问答题Josh Corlew’ s grocery bill is zero. The furniture in his Nashville home didn't cost him anything, either. His fridge, TV, and microwave-all free. It’s been two years now since he last bought the ingredients for his signature sausage dish. Corlew, a 26-year-old nonprofit manager, has effectively dropped out of Consumer Nation He goes shopping in the disposable culture's garbage instead. Corlew is part of a growing number of Americans for whom getting stuff for free is next to godliness. Yes, most everyone is cutting back. But these folks take frugality to its extreme. In cities like New York and wealthy suburbs like Grosse Pointe, Mich. , and Plano, Tex. , it is possible to live like a king (well, a duke anyway) out of a dumpster. Sushi, cashmere sweaters, even Apple computers-all for the taking. "We' re used to fulfilling most of our needs through the marketplace," says Syracuse University culture professor Robert Thompson "But now with technology there is access to more that is free than in any time in the history of the world. " As you might expect, the free movement is heavy on idealism. None more so than the so-called freegans. They believe America's consumer society is inherently corrupt and wasteful, and they want no part of it. Skeptics might see another motive at work: Freegans don't pay for anything. Corlew, who prefers the term "conscious consumer" over freegan, insists his "bin diving" or "dumpstering" is as much a war on wretched excess as anything else. "This is about distancing myself from the consumerism of America," says Corlew. "Every time we buy something, we're saying we support the system that brought it about. " Alexi Ahrens, who lives near Minneapolis, is less idealistic about her secret hobby. "It's a little bit of adventure in suburbia," she says. Ahrens, 33, does her rounds between 2 and 3 a. m. and scavenges for food, clothing, and furniture (she once found a Tiffany lamp, but gave it to a neighbor). More recently she turned her dumpstering into a kind of business. When her computer technician job at a financial-planning firm became part-time, Ahrens went into overdrive. She started haunting corporate loading docks. At a photo-processing factory that was closing, she found late- model processing equipment, computers and unused office supplies. Ahrens sold them on eBay for $ 2,000. Not bad, right? But what if you don't want to climb into a giant garbage can to get your free groceries or barely used PC? Maybe Freecycle is more your thing. A Craigslist-type Web site, Freecycle lets people post items they don't want and ones they do. Giveaways have included everything from a camping trailer to a pair of rats. Freecycle now has 6 million members internationally, and since Wall Street imploded it has been registering 50,000 more each week, up from 25, 000 previously. Freecycle and the Freegans are among the fastest-growing groups on Yahoo ! Many of the adherents of the free movement say they got the thrift trait from their Depression- era forebears. "I'm a penny-pincher. I work hard for my money, and I want it to last as long as possible," says 58-year-old Roger Latzgo, who built his Pennsylvania home entirely of materials he found for free. "I wanted to free myself from the weight of a mortgage, the root of which, by the way, means death. " Think this sounds crazy, dear manager? The free movement is already starting to invade the workplace. At Yahoo, Freecycle events-where employees swap their stuff-are all the rage. They have featured plenty of Prada clothes, original Eames chairs-even founder David Filo's smelly Adidas sneakers.1.Explain the sentence "He goes shopping in the disposable culture's garbage instead. " (para. 1)

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问答题Paraphrase the sentence "those bets could sour, however, if the American economy slows" (Para. 6)

问答题When President Obama took the stage here Wednesday to address a community—and a nation—traumatized by Saturday's shooting rampage in Tucson, Arizona, it invited comparisons to President George W. Bush's speech to the nation after the attacks of Sept. 11, 2001, and the memorial service President Bill Clinton led after the bombing of a federal office building killed 168 people in Oklahoma City in 1995. But Mr. Obama's appearance presented a deeper challenge, reflecting the tenor of his times. Unlike those tragedies-which, at least initially, united a mournful country and quieted partisan divisions—this one has, in the days since the killings, had the opposite effect, inflaming the divide. It was a political reality Mr. Obama seemed to recognize the moment he took the stage. He directly confronted the political debate that erupted after the rampage, asking people of all beliefs not to use the tragedy to turn on one another. He called for an end to partisan recriminations, and for a unity that has seemed increasingly elusive as each day has brought more harsh condemnations from the left and the right. It was one of the more powerful addresses that Mr. Obama has delivered as president, harnessing the emotion generated by the shock and loss from Saturday's shootings to urge Americans "to remind ourselves of all the ways that our hopes and dreams are bound together./

问答题Bosses now prefer to be paid in share options. The average chief executive of one of America's top 200 firms would take home just over $750,000 in gold. In fact, in 1998 he made a pre-tax profit of $8.3 m by exercising executive share options, which give the right to buy a fixed number of his company's shares at a fixed price in what is now a rising market. At the end of last year, he also had total unrealized profits on stock options of nearly $50m. But put to one side questions of justice and inequality. Force down the thought that the chief executive's enormous share options may demoralize the deputy chief executive and make the company harder to manage. Ignore the bleating bondholder, who sees his risk rise as companies borrow to buy back shares to give to executives. The fundamental question is whether share-option schemes are doing what they were designed to do: aligning the interests of managers with those of owners, motivating bosses to do their level best by shareholders.