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填空题. SECTION A MULTIPLE-CHOICE QUESTIONS In this section there are four passages followed by fourteen multiple choice questions. For each multiple choice question, there are four suggested answers marked A, B, C and D. Choose the one that you think is the best answer and mark your answers on ANSWER SHEET TWO. PASSAGE ONE (1) The paragraphs below are arranged randomly; you will have to assemble the finished article yourself. (2) Just kidding. But if you shop at IKEA, you are no doubt familiar with the hassle and frustration of assembling its flat-pack furniture at home. Millions of customers endure it, for two reasons: IKEA's products are stylish and they are very, very cheap. "We hate waste," says Mikael Ohlsson, who took over as chief executive of IKEA Group in September 2009. He points proudly at a bright-red "Ektorp" sofa. Last year his designers found a way to pack the popular three-seater more compactly, doubling the amount of sofa they could cram into a given space. That shaved 100 ($135) from the price tag—and significantly reduced the carbon-dioxide emissions from transporting it. (3) Thrift is the core of IKEA's corporate culture. Mr Ohlsson traces it back to the company's origins in Smaland, a poor region in southern Sweden whose inhabitants, he says, are "stubborn, cost-conscious and ingenious at making a living with very little". Ever since Ingvar Kamprad founded IKEA in 1943, the company has tried to allow "people with limited means to furnish their houses like rich people". (4) Business is good. In the fiscal year 2010, IKEA's sales grew by 7.7% to billion and net profit increased by 6.1% to billion. Conforama, Habitat and other rivals do not come close. IKEA's strong brand and low prices helped it to weather the downturn, even though 80% of its sales are in crisis-hit Europe. In 2010 its sales rose by 8.2% in Spain and 11. 3% in Italy. The firm is doing well in Bulgaria and Romania and planning to expand further in central and eastern Europe. (5) Yet behind IKEA's clean image is a firm that is very Swedish, secretive by instinct and, some say, rigidly hierarchical. All six members of the supervisory board are Swedish. (Mr Kamprad, at 84, is a senior adviser.) Over the years the company has been accused of using child labour in Asia and of buying feathers plucked from live geese. Journalists revealed that Mr Kamprad had backed a Swedish fascist group in his youth; he apologised in an open letter. (6) More recently, IKEA has had problems in Russia, where it has 12 stores. Having campaigned against corruption and even frozen its investments there for a while to protest against poor governance, last year IKEA was itself involved in a scandal. It had to sack two senior executives in Russia for allegedly turning a blind eye to bribes paid by a subcontractor to secure electricity supplies for its St Petersburg outlets. (7) When damaging news breaks, IKEA has an admirable habit of coming clean. But the farm's ownership structure is opaque. Critics grumble that its set-up minimises tax and disclosure, handsomely rewards the Kamprad family and makes IKEA immune to a takeover. The parent for IKEA Group, which controls 284 stores in 26 countries, is Ingka Holding, a private Dutch-registered company. Ingka Holding, in turn, belongs entirely to Stichting Ingka Foundation, a Dutch-registered, tax-exempt, non-profit-making entity, which was given Mr Kamprad's IKEA shares in 1982. A five-person executive committee, chaired by Mr Kamprad, runs the foundation. The IKEA trademark and concept is owned by Inter IKEA Systems, another private Dutch company. Its parent company is Inter IKEA Holding, registered in Luxembourg. For years the owners of Inter IKEA Holding remained hidden from view and IKEA refused to identify them. (8) In January a Swedish documentary revealed that Interogo, a Liechtenstein foundation controlled by the Kamprad family, owns Inter IKEA Holding, which earns its money from the franchise agreements Inter IKEA Systems has with each IKEA store. These are lucrative: IKEA says that all franchisees pay 3% of sales as a royalty. The IKEA Group is the biggest franchisee; other franchisees run the remaining 35 stores, mainly in the Middle East and Asia. One store in the Netherlands is run directly by Inter IKEA Systems. (9) After the airing of the polemical documentary on Swedish TV, Mr Kamprad retorted that "tax efficiency" was a natural part of the company's low-cost culture. Yet such diligent efforts to reduce the firm's tax burden sit uncomfortably with IKEA's socially conscious image. Mr Ohlsson is trying to defuse criticism of IKEA's opacity by providing more information on its finances. Last year the firm published detailed figures on sales, profits, assets and liabilities for the first time ever. (10) Mr Ohlsson argues that IKEA is more competitive as a privately owned company. Instead of sweating to meet the quarterly targets the stock market demands, it can concentrate on long-term growth. Mr Ohlsson plans to double the pace of store openings in China, where IKEA already has 11 outlets. Undeterred by the firm's headaches in Russia, he plans to open perhaps three more stores in the Moscow area in the next few years. Mr Ohlsson hopes to move into India when the retail market opens up there. He even sees room for expansion in Britain. An Englishman's home is his castle, and castles need furniture. PASSAGE TWO (1) Type the word "cancer" into the website search engine of the Daily Mail, a British tabloid newspaper, and a wealth of information is just a mouse click away. Some of the reports are calming, most alarming-and all come with figures to back them up. Women who use talcum powder are 40 per cent more likely to develop ovarian cancer, says research. Cancer survival rates in the UK are among the worst in Europe, according to a study. The incidence of bowel cancer among the under-30s has soared by 120 per cent in l0 years, astonishing figures show. (2) The figures might make us worry for our health, but somehow we feel the better for their existence. Numbers help us make sense of the world: they speak of fact and certainty and the onward march of science. If you can put a number on a problem, then its extent is known and its impact can be circumscribed. (3) Yet that sense of solid certainty is all too often illusory. Statistics can be notoriously slippery, easily misused by the unscrupulous or misinterpreted by the unwary. Nowhere is that more true than in the field of human health. (4) That's because the benefits of a particular medical treatment are often not obvious. "There are very few miracle cures. Most treatments require careful science to determine if there is any benefit and how big the benefit is," says David Spiegelhalter, a biostatistician at the University of Cambridge. "Working out the effects of an environmental risk factor is even more tricky," he adds. Saying anything sensible about human health requires large, reproducible clinical trials, and the careful observation of diverse populations—all of which implies the use of statistical methods to extract workable conclusions from the data. (5) The British epidemiologist Austin Bradford Hill recognised this when, in 1946, he ran the first trials in which participants were randomly assigned to two groups, one of which received the treatment and one of which didn't. One of these trials tested the effectiveness of the antibiotic streptomycin to treat tuberculosis, a condition that Bradford Hill himself had developed while serving in the First World War. After just six months, the results were so convincing that they led to streptomycin being adopted as the standard treatment. In 1950, together with Richard Doll, Bradford Hill similarly pioneered the use of statistical methods to provide the first convincing evidence of a causative link between smoking and lung cancer. (6) Used well, then, statistics are a powerful tool. But caution is required. Sample size, the design of a study and even the definition of terms or the way a number is presented can all affect the value of the headline statistics we are offered. Generally, we are not privy to these details. (7) What's more, the decisions we take concerning the well-being of ourselves or our loved ones are often made at times of intense emotional stress. "People are very much influenced by culture, emotions and values when making judgments, and that's fine, that is part of being human," says Spiegelhalter. But it makes us all the more susceptible to seemingly incontrovertible numerical truths distilled into media headlines—and to the enthusiastic but sometimes equally misplaced insistence by researchers, doctors or advocates of a new treatment that it will do us good. (8) So when confronted with medical statistics, how do we know whether they are the real deal, or—willfully or otherwise—distorted before they get to us? How do errors creep in? What are the questions we need to ask to avoid falling for them? PASSAGE THREE (1) According to a Cambridge University report published last week, "The shine has come off Supermum" and most people now believe that a woman who works harms family life-ergo, that a woman's place is in the home. This conclusion is based on an analysis of three decades' worth of social attitude surveys by Jacqueline Scott, a Cambridge professor of empirical sociology. (2) "The idea of women juggling high-powered careers while also baking cookies and reading bedtime stories is increasingly seen to be unrealizable." says Scott. (3) We work too hard, which makes us heartless. We work too little, which makes us chattels. We're too fat. We're dangerously thin. We're exercise addicts. We can't find time for the gym. We're too old. We're too young. We have creepy skin. We have Botox. We can cook, which makes us throw-backs. We can't cook, which makes us a disgrace. We're too trendy. We're too dowdy. We have cellulite. Or have we had lipo? It's a wonder women don't commit mass suicide, frankly. It's also perplexing that they don't wake up, look around and flick two fingers up at the whole misogynistic dementedness of the situation. You can blame the outside world—media pressure and so on—up to a point, but then, surely, you have to use your brain, take control and live your life—and never mind if your thighs have cellulite and you love your children but you actually like going to work. (4) There are two points here: the first is that 75% of mothers work. They work because they have to. You can think that harms the family, or think it does the family good, but it's irrelevant. Most of us don't have any choice: if we stopped working, our place wouldn't be in the home but in the trailer, or in the cardboard box on the pavement, and our children wouldn't have any clothes to wear or food to eat. (5) Many of them would also have mothers whose brains had atrophied and who were, in many cases, almost gaga from the sheer repetitive boredom of domestic life. Being a stay-at-home mother is not just about bedtime stories and baking. It is also about putting endless loads of washing on, cooking, cleaning, taking the buggy onto the bloody bus in the pouring rain, dealing with tantrums in the supermarket, going to the boring park with the lurking yobs, changing dirty nappies, cooking again, cleaning again and trying to look as if you are a person who wouldn't trade in sex with Brad Pitt for the chance to sleep for 12 solid hours, just once. (6) Secondly, why blame working mothers for harming family life? What about working fathers? What about all those kids with no male role models on a street comer near you, with their lovely hoods up? Do we call that an excellent result? It's a bummer, of course, that anyone has to work, we could all do with lying in meadows all day long, composing poetry and being fed grapes, but since work is a fact of life it would make more sense to try to come up with solutions than to apportion blame. It seems ridiculous—risible—to blame working mothers for what some people perceive as the collapse of society. Mothers, no matter what hours they work, tend not to abandon their kids; they also tend to try to do right by them. Compare and contrast. (7) Where the sentiments expressed in the report are right is in the growing realization that you can't have it all. You can't grow wings, either, or chat to dodos. You can't work long hours and expect to hang out with your children a lot, or help them with homework as much as you'd like to. You can't guarantee that they won't resent your absence. And, unless you are very lucky, you won't find a dream job that involves working part-time at home—unless your idea of a dream job is stuffing envelopes for the minimum wage. (8) What you can do, though, is be both a mother and a functioning professional—and to me, that hard-won combination is admirable and glorious. Yes, your children may one day resent having had a succession of not-very-good au pairs and not much mother-and-daughter baking time. But I wonder how fondly they'd look back at a childhood with no treats and no holidays and economy mince every day and a mother tearing her hair out with despair. PASSAGE FOUR (1) President Obama's administration has set the goal of seeing 8 million new college graduates by 2020. Ironically, a recent report by the Education Trust finds that many financial aid policies at schools actually hinder increased enrollment. According to the report, despite the availability of federal programs like Income-Based Repayment and Public Service Loan Forgiveness, which make it possible to obtain some relief on federal student loans, low-income students continue to face financially prohibitive barriers to earning a college degree. (2) In Priced Out: How the Wrong Financial-Aid Polices Hurt Low-Income Students, Ed Trust analyzes recently released net price data—the average price students have to pay after all sources of grant and scholarship aid are exhausted—and evaluates the financial barriers faced by low-income students. (3) Looking at factors indicative of affordability, quality, and accessibility, Ed Trust concludes that the way institutions determine the distribution of their available grant funds in turn impacts the accessibility of higher education to many prospective students, and that these policies significantly limit low-income students' access to quality higher education. (4) When looking at net cost, a major factor indicating affordability, the report found that the typical low-income student is required to come up with 72 percent of their family's income annually to cover the costs of college after grants and scholarships have been exhausted. Middle-income student must come up with 27 percent of their family's income, while high-income students need only produce 14 percent. (5) Concluding that requiring students to pay almost two thirds of their family's income is not affordable or reasonable, Ed Trust set the metric for determining "reasonably affordable" schools as those that require low-income students to come up with a percentage of family income equivalent to that required of middle-income students—schools that require low-income students to pay no more than 27 percent of their family's income annually. (6) The result: only 65 institutions out of 1,186 schools that had comparable data are "reasonably affordable" for low-income students. (7) The report then determined how many of these 65 affordable institutions offer quality, which is defined by Ed Trust as schools that give all their students at least a 1-in-2 shot at graduating. This reduces the number of affordable, quality institutions to 29. (8) The final attribute considered was accessibility: How many of these institutions meet or exceed the national average for enrollment of low-income students? That national average is 30 percent. Of the 29 affordable, quality institutions, only five have a student body that is at least 30 percent low income. (9) There are five quality institutions that are affordable and accessible to low-income students. (10) The reason: institutions have reduced the amount awarded in need-based grants. That is, institutions provide grant money to high-income or middle-income students who likely will attend college even without this aid instead of distributing this money to students who are not able to afford school otherwise. (11) Since many high-and middle-income students would attend anyway, such policies essentially shut the door on, or "price out," low-income students without increasing the number of people likely to attend college. In contrast, policies that distribute grants to those most in need would increase enrollment because these low-income students would not be—and are not—able to attend with this aid. The finding is quite significant at a time when the federal Pell Grant remains under the gun. (12) Ed Trust's bottom line: the administration must figure out how to ensure colleges are not undermining the mission of increasing college enrollment and its democratic principles of making college accessible and affordable for low-income students. (13) The high cost of education and the burden of educational debt are significant barriers to many who wish to pursue a public service career. Equal Justice Works believes that educational debt should lead to opportunities for happiness and success in choosing to serve the public interest, not stand in the way of this service. We host a wealth of information and offer free, interactive webinars on educational debt relief programs that can help ease the burden on those dedicated to public service. (14) Are you burdened with educational debt you incurred because the costs were too high for you and your family to cover? Equal Justice Works has partnered with EARN on MyDebtStory.com to provide a public forum for student loan borrowers to join the debate because the national debate on educational debt is missing one of the most important voices of all: student borrowers themselves. Go to MyDebtStory.com and share your experience with educational debt, then help spread the word so our voices are heard.1. Which of the following is true about IKEA's business in 2010?(PASSAGE ONE)

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填空题. SECTION A MULTIPLE-CHOICE QUESTIONS In this section there are four passages followed by fourteen multiple choice questions. For each multiple choice question, there are four suggested answers marked A, B, C and D. Choose the one that you think is the best answer and mark your answers on ANSWER SHEET TWO. PASSAGE ONE Joy and sadness are experienced by people in all cultures around the world, but how can we tell when other people are happy or despondent? It turns out that the expression of many emotions may be universal. Smiling is apparently a universal sign of friendliness and approval. Baring the teeth in a hostile way, as noted by Charles Darwin in the nineteenth century, may be a universe sign of anger. As the originator of the theory of evolution, Darwin believed that the universal recognition of facial expressions would have survival value. For example, facial expressions could signal the approach of enemies (or friends) in the absence of language. Most investigators concur that certain facial expressions suggest the same emotions in a people. Moreover, people in diverse cultures recognize the emotions manifested by the facial expressions. In classic research Paul Ekman took photographs of people exhibiting the emotions of anger, disgust, fear, happiness, and sadness. He then asked people around the world to indicate what emotions were being depicted in them. Those queried ranged from European college students to members of the Fore, a tribe that dwells in the New Guinea highlands. All groups including the Fore, who had almost no contact with Western culture, agreed on the portrayed emotions. The Fore also displayed familiar facial expressions when asked how they would respond if they were the characters in stories that called for basic emotional responses. Ekman and his colleagues more recently obtained similar results in a study of ten cultures in which participants were permitted to report that multiple emotions were shown by facial expressions. The participants generally agreed on which two emotions were being shown and which emotion was more intense. Psychological researchers generally recognize that facial expressions reflect emotional states. In fact, various emotional states give rise to certain patterns of electrical activity in the facial muscles and in the brain. The facial- feedback hypothesis argues, however, that the causal relationship between emotions and facial expressions can also work in the opposite direction. According to this hypothesis, signals from the facial muscles ("feedback") are sent back to emotion centers of the brain, and so a person's facial expression can influence that person's emotional state. Consider Darwin's words: "The free expression by outward signs of an emotion intensifies it. On the other hand, the repression, as far as possible, of all outward signs softens our emotions." Can smiling give rise to feelings of good will, for example, and frowning to anger? Psychological research has given rise to some interesting findings concerning the facial-feedback hypothesis. Causing participants in experiments to smile, for example, leads them to report more positive feelings and to rate cartoons (humorous drawings of people or situations) as being more humorous. When they are caused to frown, they rate cartoons as being more aggressive. What are the possible links between facial expressions and emotion? One link is arousal, which is the level of activity or preparedness for activity in an organism. Intense contraction of facial muscles, such as those used in signifying fear, heightens arousal. Self-perception of heightened arousal then leads to heightened emotional activity. Other links may involve changes in brain temperature and the release of neurotransmitters (substances that transmit nerve impulses.) The contraction of facial muscles both influences the internal emotional state and reflects it. Ekman has found that the so-called Duchenne smile, which is characterized by "crow's feet" wrinkles around the eyes and a subtle drop in the eye cover fold so that the skin above the eye moves down slightly toward the eyeball, can lead to pleasant feelings. Ekman's observation may be relevant to the British expression "keep a stiff upper lip" as a recommendation for handling stress. It might be that a "stiff' lip suppresses emotional response—as long as the lip is not quivering with fear or tension. But when the emotion that leads to stiffening the lip is more intense, and involves strong muscle tension, facial feedback may heighten emotional response.PASSAGE TWO As much as murder is a staple in mystery stories, so is love. Love may be a four-letter word, or the greatest of the trio of faith, hope, and love. It may appear in a mystery as the driving force behind the plot and the characters. Or it may appear as an aside in a sub-plot, a light spot in a heavy story. But it's there. Even Valentine knew love was worth dying for. An emotion this strong gets a lot of attention. Love has its own special day, St. Valentine's Day. According to the legend, the Roman emperor Claudius II needed soldiers to fight for him in the far reaches of the Roman Empire. He thought married men would rather stay home than go to war for a couple of years, so he outlawed marriage and engagements. This did not stop people from falling in love. Valentine, a priest, secretly married many young couples. For this crime, he was arrested and executed on February 14. St. Valentine's Day was off to a rocky start. Love, secrecy, crime and death, love prevailed, and the day lost its seamy side. Valentine's Day became a day to exchange expressions of love. Small children give each other paper hearts. Adults exchange flowers and chocolates. Everyone has an attack of the warm fuzzies. Valentine's Day was popular in Europe in the early 1800s as a day men brought gifts to the women they loved. Gradually the expectations grew higher, the gifts got bigger, and eventually the holiday collapsed under the weight of the bills. It was revived when the custom of exchanging love letters and love cards replaced the mandatory gifts. A young man's love was measured in how much time he spent making a card with paper, lace, feathers, beads, and fabric. If the young man wasn't good with scissors and glue, the job could be hired out to an artist who made house calls. Valentine's Day grew more popular when machine-made cards became available, and people didn't have to make their own. In England in 1840, the nation-wide Penny Post made it cheap for everyone to send Valentine cards. In the United States, national cheap postal rates were set in 1845, and valentines filled the mail. "Roses are red, violets are blue" was a popular verse on Valentine cards. Other holidays are associated with particular flowers—the Christmas poinsettia, the Easter lily—but Valentine's Day has no specific flower. Instead, it has colors—red, pink, and white. Red symbolizes warmth and feeling. White stands for purity. According to one romantic flower code, messages can be spelled out with flowers. Gardenias say "I love you secretly". Violets say "I return your love". Roses say "I love you passionately". Not surprisingly, the rose is now the top-seeded flower of love. But love mostly goes wrong in mystery stories. Very badly wrong. Somebody done somebody wrong. Husbands, wives, and lovers kill each other. Or kill for each other. Stack the characters up in any kind of love triangle, and watch how the angles are knocked off. Love is unrequited, thwarted and scorned. Murders are motivated by real or imaginary love, or the lack of it. That famous novelist Ernest Hemingway said, "If two people love each other there can be no happy end to it". So it goes in the mystery. Justice may win, but love is often the loser. In addition to plots driven by love, or the lack of it, there are sleuths who encounter love in the solving of the crime. The handsome or beautiful detective meets the suspect or the client. Their affair grows around, and in spite of, the murder. Think of the movies Casablanca and Chinatown. Barbara D'Amato offers a different twist on this theme in "Hard Feelings". The amateur sleuth meets a suspect or investigating officer and love smolders around the crime. Rose DeShaw's "Love with the Proper Killer" is such a story. In a series of novels, if the continuing character is living a full life, love enters the storyline somewhere. Dorothy L. Sayers' sleuth Lord Peter Wimsey fell in love with Harriet Vane while he sleuthed his way through a few books. Sherlock Holmes remained aloof, but Dr. Watson fell in love and married between impossible crimes. There were no such temptations for Hercule Poirot or Jane Marple, but Agatha Christie created Tuppence and Tommy Beresford as a detecting couple. Real crimes are sometimes motivated by love, and are written about in true crime books. E.W. Count describes one such case in "Love is a Risk." "Married to a Murderer," by Alan Russell, follows the crime one step further. Feeling an attack of the warm fuzzies? Do something sweet for someone you love. Then do something sweet for yourself. Settle back with soft music and savor the online mysteries of love and romance in the Valentine and Romance Mysteries sections of this site.PASSAGE THREE Jan Hendrik Schon's success seemed too good to be true, and it was. In only four years as a physicist at Bell Laboratories, Schon, 32, had co-authored 90 scientific papers—one every 16 days, which astonished his colleagues, and made them suspicious. When one co-worker noticed that the same table of data appeared in two separate papers—which also happened to appear in the two most prestigious scientific journals in the world, Science and Nature—the jig was up. In October 2002, a Bell Labs investigation found that Schon had falsified and fabricated data. His career as a scientist was finished. If it sounds a lot like the fall of Hwang Woo Suk—the South Korean researcher who fabricated his evidence about cloning human cells—it is. Scientific scandals, which are as old as science itself, tend to follow similar patterns of arrogance and comeuppance. Afterwards, colleagues wonder how such malfeasance can be avoided in the future. But it never is entirely. Science is built on the honor system; the method of peer-review, in which manuscripts are evaluated by experts in the field, is not meant to catch cheats. In recent years, of course, the pressure on scientists to publish in the top journals has increased, making the journals much more crucial to career success. The questions raised anew by Hwang's fall are whether Nature and Science have become too powerful as arbiters of what science reaches the public, and whether the journals are up to their task as gatekeepers. Each scientific specialty has its own set of journals. Physicists have Physical Review Letters; cell biologists have Cell; neuroscientists have Neuron, and so forth. Science and Nature, though, are the only two major journals that cover the complete range of scientific disciplines, from meteorology and zoology to quantum physics and chemistry. As a result, journalists look to them each week for the cream of the crop of new science papers. And scientists look to the journals in part to reach journalists. Why do they care? Competition for grants has gotten so fierce that scientists have sought popular renown to gain an edge over their rivals. Publication in specialized journals will win the accolades of academics and satisfy the publish-or-perish imperative, but Science and Nature come with the added bonus of potentially getting your paper written up in The New York Times and other publications. Scientists are also trying to reach other scientists through Science and Nature, not just the public. Scientists tend to pay more attention to the Big Two than to other journals. When more scientists know about a particular paper, they're more apt to cite it in their own papers. Being oft-cited will increase a scientist's "Impact Factor", a measure of how often papers are cited by peers. Funding agencies use the Impact Factor as a rough measure of the influence of scientists they're considering supporting. Whether the clamor to appear in these journals has any bearing on their ability to catch fraud is another matter. The fact is that fraud is terrifically hard to spot. Consider the process Science used to evaluate Hwang's 2005 article. Science editors recognized the manuscript's import almost as soon as it arrived. As part of the standard procedure, they sent it to two members of its Board of Reviewing Editors, who recommended that it go out for peer review (about 30 percent of manuscripts pass this test). This recommendation was made not on the scientific validity of the paper, but on its "novelty, originality, and trendiness," says Denis Duboule, a geneticist at the University of Geneva and a member of Science's Board of Reviewing Editors, in the January 6 issue of Science. After this, Science sent the paper to three stem-cell experts, who had a week to look it over. Their comments were favorable. How were they to know that the data was deceptive? "You look at the data and do not assume it's fraud," says one reviewer, anonymously, in Science. In the end, a big scandal now and then isn't likely to do much damage to the big scientific journals. What editors and scientists worry about more are the myriad smaller infractions that occur all the time, and which are almost impossible to detect. A Nature survey of scientists published last June found that one-third of all respondents had committed some forms of misconduct. These included falsifying research data and having "questionable relationships" with students and subjects—both charges leveled against Hwang. Nobody really knows if this kind of fraud is on the rise, but it is worrying. Science editors don't have any plans to change the basic editorial peer-review process as a result of the Hwang scandal. They do have plans to scrutinize photographs more closely in an effort to spot instances of fraud, but that policy change had already been decided when the scandal struck. And even if it had been in place, it would not have revealed that Hwang had misrepresented photographs from two stem cell colonies as coming from 11 colonies. With the financial and deadline pressures of the publishing industry, it's unlikely that the journals are going to take markedly stronger measures to vet manuscripts. Beyond replicating the experiments themselves, which would be impractical, it's difficult to see what they could do to make science beyond the honor system.PASSAGE FOUR Students of United States history, seeking to identify the circumstances that encouraged the emergence of feminist movements, have thoroughly investigated the mid-nineteenth-century American economic and social conditions that affected the status of women. These historians, however, have analyzed less fully the development of specifically feminist ideas and activities during the same period. Furthermore, the ideological origins of feminism in the United States have been obscured because, even when historians did take into account those feminist ideas and activities occurring within the United States, they failed to recognize that feminism was then a truly international movement actually centered in Europe. American feminist activists who have been described as "solitary" and "individual theorists" were in reality connected to a movement—utopian socialism—which was already popularizing feminist ideas in Europe during the two decades that culminated in the first women's rights conference held at Seneca Falls, New York, in 1848. Thus, a complete understanding of the origins and development of nineteenth-century feminism in the United States requires that the geographical focus be widened to include Europe and that the detailed study already made of social conditions be expanded to include the ideological development of feminism. The earliest and most popular of the utopian socialists were the Saint-Simonians. The specifically feminist part of Saint-Simonianism has, however, been less studied than the group's contribution to early socialism. This is regrettable on two counts. By 1832 feminism was the central concern of Saint-Simonianism and entirely absorbed its adherents' energy. Hence, by ignoring its feminism, European historians have misunderstood Saint- Simonianism. Moreover, since many feminist ideas can be traced to Saint-Simonianism, European historians' appreciation of later feminism in France and the United States remained limited. Saint-Simon's followers, many of whom were women, based their feminism on an interpretation of his project to reorganize the globe by replacing brute force with the rule of spiritual powers. The new world order would be ruled together by a male, to represent reflection, and a female, to represent sentiment. This complementarity reflects the fact that, while the Saint-Simonians did not reject the belief that there were innate differences between men and women, they nevertheless foresaw an equally important social and political role for both sexes in their Utopia. Only a few Saint-Simonians opposed a definition of sexual equality based on gender distinction. This minority believed that individuals of both sexes were born similar in capacity and character, and they ascribed male-female differences to socialization and education. The envisioned result of both currents of thought, however, was that women would enter public life in the new age and that sexual equality would reward men as well as women with an improved way of life.1. Which of the following statements would Darwin NOT agree with?(PASSAGE ONE)

填空题. SECTION A MULTIPLE-CHOICE QUESTIONS In this section there are four passages followed by fourteen multiple choice questions. For each multiple choice question, there are four suggested answers marked A, B, C and D. Choose the one that you think is the best answer and mark your answers on ANSWER SHEET TWO. PASSAGE ONE The newspaper must provide for the reader the facts, unalloyed, unslanted, objectively selected facts. But in these days of complex news it must provide more; it must supply interpretation, the meaning of the facts. This is the most important assignment confronting American journalism—to make clear to the reader the problems of the day, to make international news as understandable as community news, to recognize that there is no longer any such thing (with the possible exception of such scribbling as society and club news) as "local" news, because any event in the international area has a local reaction in manpower draft, in economic strain, in terms, indeed, of our very way of life. There is in journalism a widespread view that when you embark on interpretation, you are entering choppy and dangerous waters, the swirling tides of opinion. This is nonsense. The opponents of interpretation insist that the writer and the editor shall confine themselves to the "facts". This insistence raises two questions: what are the facts? And: are the bare facts enough? As to the first query, consider how a so-called "factual" story comes about. The reporter collects, say, fifty facts; out of these fifty, his space allotment being necessarily restricted, he selects the ten, which he considers most important. This is Judgment Number One. Then he or his editor decides which of these ten facts shall constitute the lead of the piece. This is important decision because many readers do not proceed beyond the first paragraph. This is Judgment Number Two. Then the night editor determines whether the article shall be presented on page one, where it has a large impact, or on page twenty-four, where it has little. Judgment Number Three. Thus, in the presentation of a so-called "factual" or "objective" story, at least three judgments are involved. And they are judgments not at all unlike those involved in interpretation, in which reporter and editor, calling upon their general background, and their "news neutralism", arrive at a conclusion as to the significance of the news. The two areas of judgment, presentation of the news and its interpretation, are both objective rather than subjective processes—as objective, that is, as any human being can be. (Note in passing: even though complete objectivity can never be achieved, nevertheless the ideal must always be the beacon on the murky news channels.) If an editor is intent on slanting the news, he can do it in other ways and more effectively than by interpretation. He can do it by the selection of those facts that prop up his particular plea. Or he can do it by the pay he gives a story—promoting it to page one or demoting it to page thirty.PASSAGE TWO When I was 14 years old and very impressed with my teenage status, I set for myself a very special goal—that to differentiate me from my friends. My goal was a project that I undertook every day after school for several months. It began to when I stealthily made my way into the local elementary school—horror of horrors should I be seen; l was now in junior high. I identified myself as a graduate of the elementary school, and being taken under wing by a favorite fifth grade teacher, I was given a small bundle from a locked storeroom—a bundle that I quickly dropped into a bag, lest anyone see me walking home with something from the "little kids" school. I brought the bundle home proudly. I walked into the living room, and one by one, emptied the bag of basic reading books. They were thin books with colorful covers and large print. The words were monosyllabic and repetitive. I sat down to the secret task at hand. "All right," I said authoritatively to my 70-year-old grandmother, "today we begin our first reading lesson." For weeks afterwards, my grandmother and I sat patiently side by side roles reversed as she, with a bit of difficulty, sounded out every word, then read them again, piece by piece, until she understood the short sentences. When she slowly repeated the full sentence, we both would smile and clap our hands—I felt so pound, so grown up. My grandmother was born in a rocky little Greece farming village where nothing much grew. She never had the time to go to school. As she was the oldest child, she was expected to take care of her brother and sister, as well as the house and acclimating exceptions, and her father scratched out what little he could form from the soil. So, for my grandmother, schooling was out. But she had big plans for herself. She had heard about America. About how rich you could be. How people on the streets would offer you a dollar just to smell the flower you were carrying. About how everyone lived in nice houses—not stone huts on the side of mountains—and had nice clothes and time for school. So my grandmother made a decision at 14—just a child—to take a long and sickening 30-day sea voyage alone to the United States. After lying about her age to the passport officials, who would shake their heads vehemently at anyone under 16 leaving her family, and after giving her favorite gold earrings to her cousin, saying "In America, I will have all the gold I want", my young grandmother put herself on a ship. She landed in New York in 1916. No need to repeat the story of how it went for years. The streets were not made of gold. People weren't interested in smelling flowers held by strangers. My grandmother was a foreigner. Alone. A young girl who worked hard doing piecework to earn money for meals. No leisure time, no new gold earrings—and no school. She learned only enough English to help her in her daily business. English came slowly. My grandmother had never learned to read. She could make out a menu, but not a newspaper. She could read a street sign, but not a shop directory. She could read only what she needed to read as, through the years, she married, had five daughters, and helped my grandfather with his restaurant. So when I was 14—the same age that my grandmother was when she left her family, her country, and everything she knew—I took it upon myself to teach my grandmother something, something I already knew how to do. Something with which I could give back to her some of the things she had taught me. And it was slight repayment for all she taught me. How to cover the fig tree in tar paper so it could survive the winter. How to cultivate rose bushes and magnolia trees that thrived on her little piece of property. Best of all, she had taught me my ethnic heritage. First, we phonetically sounded out the alphabet. Then, we talked about vowels—English is such a difficult language to learn. I hadn't even begun to explain the different sounds "gh" could make. We were still at the basics. Every afternoon, we would sit in the living room, my grandmother with an afghan converting her knees, giving up her crocheting for her reading lesson. I, with the patience that can come only from love, slowly coached her from the basic reader to the second-grade reader, giving up my telephone gossiping. Years later, my grandmother still hadn't learned quite enough to sit comfortably with a newspaper or magazine, but it felt awfully good to see her try. How we used to laugh at her pronunciation mistakes. She laughed more heartily than I. I never knew whether I should laugh. Here was this old woman slowly and carefully sounding out each word, moving her lips, not saying anything aloud until she was absolutely sure, and then, loudly, happily saying, "Look at Spot. See Spot run." When my grandmother died and we faced the sad task of emptying her home, I was going through her night-table drawer and came upon the basic readers. I turned the pages slowly, remembering. I put them in a paper bag, and the next day returned them to the "little kids" school. Maybe someday, some teenager will request them again, for the same task. It will make for a lifetime of memories.PASSAGE THREE If you intend using humor in your talk to make people smile, you must know how to identify shared experiences and problems. Your humor must be relevant to the audience and should help to show them that you are one of them or that you understand their situation and are in sympathy with their point of view. Depending on whom you are addressing, the problems will be different. If you are talking to a group of managers, you may refer to the disorganized methods of their secretaries; alternatively if you are addressing secretaries, you may want to comment on their disorganized bosses. Here is an example, which I heard at a nurse's convention, of a story which works well because the audience all shared the same view of doctors. A man arrives in heaven and is being shown around by St. Peter. He sees wonderful accommodations, beautiful gardens, sunny weather, and so on. Everyone is very peaceful, polite and friendly until, waiting in a line for lunch, the new arrival is suddenly pushed aside by a man in a white coat, who rushes to the head of the line, grabs his food and stomps over to a table by himself. "Who is that?" The new arrival asked St. Peter. "Oh, that's God," came the reply, "but sometimes he thinks he's a doctor." If you are part of the group which you are addressing, you will be in a position to know the experiences and problems which are common to all of you and it'll be appropriate for you to make a passing remark about the inedible canteen food or the chairman's notorious bad taste in ties. With other audiences you mustn't attempt to cut in with humor as they will resent an outsider making disparaging remarks about their canteen or their chairman. You will be on safer ground if you stick to scapegoats like the Post Office or the telephone system. If you feel awkward being humorous, you must practice so that it becomes more natural. Include a few casual and apparently off-the-cuff remarks which you can deliver in a relaxed and unforced manner. Often it's the delivery which causes the audience to smile, so speak slowly and remember that a raised eyebrow or an unbelieving look may help to show that you are making a light-hearted remark. Look for the humor. It often comes from the unexpected. It's a twist on a familiar quote "If at first you don't succeed, give up" or a play on words or on a situation. Search for exaggeration and understatements. Look at your talk and pick out a few words or sentences which you can turn about and inject with humor.PASSAGE FOUR The bizarre antics of sleepwalkers have puzzled police, perplexed scientists, and fascinated writers for centuries. There is an endless supply of stories about sleepwalkers. Persons have been said to climb on steep roofs, solve mathematical problems, compose music, walk through plate glass windows, and commit murder in their sleep. How many of these stories have a basic in fact, and how many are pure fakery? No one knows, but if some of the most sensational stories should be taken with a barrel of salt, others are a matter of record. There is an early medical record of a somnambulist who wrote a novel in his sleep. And the great French writer Voltaire knew a sleepwalker who once got out of bed, dressed himself, made a polite bow, danced a minuet, and then undressed and went back to bed. At the University of Iowa, a student was reported to have the habit of getting up in the middle of the night and walking three-quarters of a mile to the Iowa River. He would take a swim and then go back to his room to bed. The world's champion sleepwalker was supposed to have been an Indian, who walked sixteen miles along a dangerous road without realizing that he had left his bed. Second in line for the title is probably either a Vienna housewife or a British farmer. The woman did all her shopping on busy streets in her sleep. The farmer, in his sleep, visited a veterinarian miles away. The leading expert on sleep in American claims that he had never seen a sleepwalker. He is Dr. Nathaniel Kleitman, a physiologist at the University of Chicago. He is said to know more about sleep than any other living man, and during the last thirty-five years had lost a lot of sleep watching people sleep. Says he, "Of course, I know that there are sleepwalkers because I have read about them in the newspapers. But none of my sleepwalkers ever walked, and if I were to advertise for sleepwalkers for an experiment, I doubt that I'd get many takers." Sleepwalking, nevertheless, is a scientific reality. Like hypnosis, it is one of those dramatic, eerie, awe—inspiring phenomena that sometimes border on the fantastic. It lends itself to controversy and misconceptions. What is certain about sleepwalking is that it is a symptom of emotional disturbance, and that the only way to cure it is to remove the worries and anxieties that cause it. Doctors say that somnambulism is much more common than is generally supposed. Some have estimated that there are four million somnambulists in the United States. Others set the figure even higher. Many sleepwalkers do not seek help and so are never put on record, which means that an accurate count can never be made. The simplest explanation of sleepwalking is that it is the acting out of vivid dream. The dream usually comes from guilt, worry, nervousness, or some other emotional conflict. The age-old question is: Is the sleepwalker actually awake or asleep? Scientists have decided that he is about half-and-half. Dr. Zelda Teplitz, who made a ten-year study of the subject, says, "Some people stay awake all night worrying about their problems. The sleepwalker thrashes them out in his sleep. He is awake in the muscular area, partially asleep in the sensory area." In other words, a person can walk in his sleep, move around, and do other things, but he does not think about what he is doing. There are many myths about sleepwalkers. One of the most common is the idea that it's dangerous or even fatal to waken a sleepwalker abruptly. Experts say that the shock suffered by a sleepwalker suddenly awakened is no greater than that suffered in waking up to the noise of an alarm clock. Another mistaken belief is that sleepwalkers are immune to injury. Actually most sleepwalkers trip over rugs or bump their heads on doors at some time or other. What are the chances of a sleepwalker committing a murder or doing something else extraordinary in his sleep? Some cases of this have been reported, but they very rarely happen. Of course the few cases that are reported receive a great deal of publicity. Dr. Teplitz says, "Most people have such great inhibitions against murder or violence that they would awaken—if someone didn't waken them." In general, authorities on sleepwalking agree with her. They think that people will not do anything in their sleep that is against their own moral code. Parents often explain their children's—or their own—nocturnal oddities as sleepwalking. Sleepwalking is used as an excuse for all kinds of irrational behavior. There is a case on record of a woman who dreamed that her house was on fire and flung her baby out of the window. Dr. Teplitz believes that this instance of irrational behavior was not due to somnambulism. She believes the woman was seriously deranged or insane, not a sleepwalker. For their own protection, chronic sleepwalkers have been known to tie themselves in bed, lock their doors, hide the keys, bolt the windows, and rip up all sorts of gadgets or wake themselves if they should get out of bed. Curiously enough, they have an uncanny way of avoiding their own traps when they sleepwalk, so none of their tricks seem to work very well. Some sleepwalkers talk in their sleep loudly enough to wake someone else in the family who can then shake them back to their senses. Children who walk in their sleep usually outgrow the habit. In many adults, too, the condition is more or less temporary. If it happens often, however, the sleepwalker should seek help. Although sleepwalking itself is nothing to become alarmed about, the problems that cause the sleepwalking may be very serious.1. Readers expect all of the following from newspapers EXCEPT ______.(PASSAGE ONE)

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填空题Aspects that May Facilitate Reading Ⅰ