单选题Mikeisworriedabout______.A．thepartieshewenttoB．findingaplacetoliveC．hisdifficultiesathishouseD．hisfriend'shouse

单选题{{I}} Questions 11 to 13 are based on the following talk on proverbs in some cultures. You now have 15 seconds to read Questions 11 to 13.{{/I}}

单选题Accordingtothewoman,whatgovernstheclotheswewear?A．Adesiretoexpressoneselfandshowone'swealth.B．Individualtasteandloveforbeauty.C．Loveforbeautyandadesiretoimpressotherpeople.D．Individualtasteandadesiretoexpressoneself.

单选题 Each of us lives and works on a small part of the earth's surface, moves in a small circle, and of these acquaintances knows only a few intimately. Of any public event that has wide effects we see at best only a phase and an aspect. This is as true of the eminent insiders who draft treaties, make laws, and issue orders, as it is of those who have treaties framed on them, laws promulgated to them, orders given at them. Inevitably our opinions cover a bigger space, a longer reach of time, a greater number of things, that we can directly observe. They have, therefore, to be pieced together out of what others have reported and what we can imagine. Yet even the eyewitness does not bring back a naive picture of the scene. For experience seems to show that he himself brings something to the scene which later he takes away from it, that oftener than not what he imagines to be the account of an event is really a transfiguration of it. Few facts in consciousness seem to be merely given. Most facts in consciousness seem to be partly made. A report is the joint product of the knower and known, in which the role of the observer is always selective and usually creative. The facts we see depend on where we are placed, and the habits of our eyes.

单选题{{B}}Text 1{{/B}} For most of us, work is the central, dominating fact of life. We spend more than half our conscious hours at work, preparing for work, travelling to and from work. What we do there largely determines our standard of living and to a considerable extent the status we are accorded by our fellow citizens as well. It is sometimes said that because leisure has become more important the indignities and injustices of work can be pushed into a corner; that because most work is pretty intolerable, the people who do it should compensate for its boredoms, frustrations and humiliations by concentrating their hopes on the other parts of their lives. I reject that as a counsel of despair. For the forseeable future the material and psychological rewards which work can provide, and the conditions in which work is done, will continue to play a vital part in determining the satisfaction that life can offer. Yet only a small minority can control the pace at which they work or the conditions in which their work is done; only for a small minority does work offer scope for creativity, imagination, or initiative. Inequality al work and in work is still one of the cruelest and most glaring forms of inequality in our society. We cannot hope to solve the more obvious problems of industrial life, many of which arise directly or indirectly from the frustrations created by inequality at work, unless we tackle it head-on. Still less can we hope to create a decent and humane society. The most glaring inequality is that between managers and the rest. For most managers, work is an opportunity and a challenge. Their jobs engage their interest and allow them to develop their abilities. They are constantly learning; they are able to exercise responsibility; they have a considerable degree of control over their own and others' working lives. Most important of all, they have the opportunity to initiate. By contrast, for most manual workers, and for a growing number of white-collar workers, work is a boring, monotonous, even painful experience. They spend all their working lives in conditions which would be regarded as intolerable for themselves -- by those who take the decisions which let such conditions continue. The majority have little control over their work; it provides them with no opportunity for personal development. Often production is so designed that workers are simply part of the technology. In offices, many jobs are so routine that workers justifiably feel themselves to be mere cogs in the bureaucratic machine. As a direct consequence of their work experience, many workers feel alienated from their work and their firm, whether it is in public or in private ownership. Rising educational standards feed rising expectations, yet the amount of control which the worker has over his own work situation does not rise accordingly. In many cases his control has been reduced. Symptoms of protest increase -- rising sickness and absenteeism, high turnover of employees, restrictions on output, and strikes, both unofficial and official. There is not much escape out and upwards. As management becomes more professional -- in itself a good thing -- the opportunity for promotion from the shop floor becomes less. The only escape is to another equally frustrating manual job; tile only compensation is found not in the job but outside it, if there is a rising standard of living.

单选题Questions 1--3 Choose the best answer.

单选题In human history, people's views on body Weight ______.

单选题WhereisthesocializingdonetraditionallyfortheUKyoungpeople?A.MSNSpaces.B.Pubs&clubs.C.BeboSpaces.D.MySpace.

单选题Though the social problems Jerry Springer talks about appear distasteful, the audience______ .

单选题What is "revile"(paragraph 4, sentence 3) most likely to mean?

单选题The largest city in Australia is ______. A. Canberra B. Sydney C. Melbourne D. Perth

单选题My father was a gruff man. I couldn't remember the last time he had tenderly stroked my cheek, tousled my hair or used a term of endearment when calling my name. His diabetes had given him a short temper and he screamed a lot. I was envious when I saw other fathers plant gentle kisses on their daughters' foreheads or impulsively give them a big bear hug. I knew that he loved me and that his love was deep. He just didn't know how to express it. It was hard to say "I love you' to someone who didn't say it back. After so many disappointing times when I would flinch from his sharp rebuff I began to withdraw my own warm displays of affection. I stopped reaching out or hugging or kissing him. At first this act of self-restraint was conscious. Later it would become automatic, and finally it was ingrained. The love between us ran strong but silent. One rare evening out, when my mother had successfully coaxed my usually asocial father to join us for a night in the town, we were sitting in an elegant restaurant that boasted a small but lively band. When it struck up a familiar waltz tune, I glanced at my father. He suddenly appeared small and shrunken to me not powerful and intimidating as I had always perceived him. All the old hurts welled up inside but I decided to dare one last time. "Dad, You know I've never ever danced with you. Even when I was a little girl, I begged you, but you never wanted to! How about right now? " I waited for the usual brusque reply that would once again slice my heart into ribbons. But instead he considered me thoughtfully and then a surprising twinkle appeared in his eye." I have been remiss in my duties as a father then." he uncharacteristically joked. "Let's hit the floor and I'll show you just what kind of moves an old geezer like me still can make!" My father took me in his arms. Since earliest childhood I hadn't been enfolded in his embrace. I felt overcome by emotion. As we danced, I looked up at my father intently but he avoided my gaze. His eyes swept the dance floor, the other diners and the members of the band. His scrutiny took in everyone and everything but me. I felt that he must already be regretting his decision to join me for a dance; he seemed uncomfortable being physically close to me. "Dad," I finally whispered tears in my eyes. "Why is it so hard for you to look at me?" At last his eyes dropped to my face and he studied me intently. "Because I love you so much", he whispered back. "Because I love you. " I was struck dumb by his response. It wasn't what I had anticipated. But it was of course exactly what I needed to hear. His own eyes were misty and he was blinking. I had always known that he loved me, I just hadn't understood that his vast emotion had frightened him and made him mute. His taciturn manner hid the deep emotions flowing inside. "I love you too, Dad" I whispered back softly. He stumbled over the next few words" I ... I'm sorry that I'm not demonstrative." Then he said "I've realized that I don't show what I feel. My parents never hugged or kissed me and I guess I learned how not to from them. It's... it's.., hard for me. I'm probably too old to change my ways now but just know how much I love you." "Okay" I smiled. When the dance ended, I brought Dad back to Mom waiting at the table and excused myself to the ladies' room. I was gone just a few minutes but during my absence everything changed. There were screams and shouts and scrapings of chairs as I made my way back across the room. I wondered what the commotion was all about. As I approached the table I saw it was all about Dad. He was slumped in his chair ashen gray. A doctor in the restaurant rushed over to handle the emergency and an ambulance was called but it was really all too late. He was gone. Instantly they said. What had suddenly made me after so many years of steeling myself against his constant rejection ask him to dance? What had made him accept? Where had those impulses come from? And why now? In the restaurant that night all I saw was his slumped body and ashen face surrounded by solemn diners and grim faced paramedics. But it's a totally different scene that I remember now. I remember our waltz on the dance floor and his sudden urgent confession to me. I remember him saying "I love you" and my saying it back. And as I remember this scene somehow incongruously the words of an old Donna Summer song tap out a refrain in my mind: Last dance…, last chance…for love… It was indeed the first, last and only dance that I ever had with my father. What a blessing that we had the chance to say before it was too late, the three words that live on forever long after we are gone stretching into eternity.

单选题In a three-month period last year, two Brooklynites had to be cut out of their apartments and carried to hospital on stretchers designed for transporting small whales. The National Association to Advance Fat Acceptance(NAAFA) argues that it was not their combined 900kg bulk that made them ill. Obesity, according to NAAFA, is not bad for you. And, even if it was, there is nothing to be done about it, because genes dictate weight. Attempting to eat less merely slows metabolism, having people as chubby as ever. This is the fatlash movement that causes America's slimming industry so much pain. In his book Bin Fat Lies (Ballantine, 1996), Glenn Gaesser says that no study yet has convincingly shown that weight is an independent cause of health problems. Fatness does not kill people; things like hypertension, coronary heart diseases and cancer do. Michael Fumento, author of The Fat of the Land ( Viking, 1997), an anti-fatlash diatribe, compares Dr Gaesser's logic with saying that the guillotine did not kill Louis XVI: Rather, it was the severing of his vertebrae, the cutting of all the blood vessels in his neck, and.., the trauma caused by his head dropping several feet into a wicker basket. Being fat kills in several ways. It makes people far more likely to suffer from heart disease or high blood pressure. Even moderate obesity increases the chance of contracting diabetes. Being 40% overweight makes people 30%～50% more likely to die of cancer, according to the American Cancer Society. Extreme fatness makes patients so much less likely to survive surgery that many doctors refuse to operate until they slim. The idea that being overweight is caused by obesity genes is not wholly false: researchers have found a number of genes that appear to make some people bum off energy at a slower rate. But genes are not destiny. The difference between someone with a genetic predisposition to gain weight and someone without appears to be roughly 40 calories—or a spoonful of mayonnaise—a day. An alternative fatlash argument, advanced in books such as Dean Onrush's Eat More, Weight Less ( Harper Collies, 1993 ) and Date Atrens's Don't Diet ( William Morrow, 1978), is that fatness is not a matter of eating too much. They note that as Americans' weight has ballooned over the last few decades, their reported caloric intake has plunged. This simply explains people's own recollection of how much they eat is extremely unreliable. And as they grow fatter, people feel guilty and are more likely to fib about how much they eat. All reputable studies show that eating less and exercising reduce weight. Certainly, the body's metabolism slows a little when you lose weight, because it takes less energy to carry less bulk around, and because dieting can make the body fear it is about to starve. But a sensible low-fat diet makes weight loss possible. The fatlash movement is dangerous, because slimmers will often find any excuse to give up. To tell people that it is healthy to be obese is to encourage them to live sick and die young.

单选题Questions 11—13 are based on the following talk.

单选题You will hear 3 conversations or talks and you must answer the questions by choosing A, B, C or D. You will hear each recording only once.

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单选题The government will be told next month that a stark new class divide is opening between career women and mothers who give up work to become housewives. While career mums are able to build on the increased "social capital" or status that a modem education and equal access to the workplace have afforded them, stay-at-home mothers rapidly lose their social status. The new study of social mobility and its conclusion that middle-class women are becoming increasingly "polarised" will be presented at a Cabinet Office meeting later this month by Professor Jonathan Gershuny, a leading sociologists. He will say that while reforms in equal opportunities legislation over the past 30 years have improved women"s life chances, all the gains can be lost at the point when they have children if they are unable to afford nurseries or nannies. "When they enter the labor force, young men and women now have similar level of educational attainment, but from the first child"s birth a new dynamic emerges," said Gershuny. "In almost all cases where childcare is unaffordable, the woman withdraws (from work). And the withdrawal means a progressive reduction in accumulated work experience, perhaps the loss of a promotion, so the wife"s capital falls." Critics claim the constant emphasis on equal economic attainment for men and women is feeding the divorce rate and destroying family life. In addition, many mothers choose to stay at home to ensure that they, rather than an outsider, play the main role in bringing up their children. While women"s place in the class system is increasingly determined by their ability to afford children, the declining social status of stay-at-home mums may be accentuated by the break-up of local communities, itself partly a product in increased social mobility. The importance of access to child-care and the determining effect it can have on women"s lives is leading them to delay the age at which they have their first child. Many middle-class women do not even consider having their children until they are into their thirties. Researchers say that other social changes have made the life of the stay-at-home mother even less attractive. Greater social mobility means relatives are now less likely to be available to offer help. Danielle Stewart, 41, form south London, is a member of the "superwomen" tribe and has two children, Francesca, 7, and Isabelle, 4. she earns more than ￡ 150,000 a year, of which she spends ￡ 24,000 a year on a nanny. "I am a strong woman who is giving my girl a great example. The intellectual inspiration of work has been fantastic, and I think if I had stayed at home and given up work I would not have got that." Gershumy"s research suggests that career women like Stewart, who are able to afford childcare, almost always come from well-to-do backgrounds. It suggests that the old British class system where privilege and status are passed down the generations is still very much alive.

单选题WhenwastheAmericanFootballAssociationfounded?A.In1913.B.In1930.C.In1914.D.In1917.

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单选题 {{B}} Questions 14 to 16 are based on a piece of news. You now have 15 seconds to read Questions 14 to 16.{{/B}}