{{B}}Narrator{{/B}} Listen to a part of a lecture from the
Sports Studies department.
LANGSTON HUGHES 1 Among the many talented African American writers connected with the Harlem Renaissance of the 1920s and 1930s, Langston Hughes was the most popular in his time. His two most important achievements were the incorporation of the rhythms of black music into his poetry and the creation of an authentic black folk speaker in the character of Jesse B. Semple. Through both poetry and storytelling, Hughes captured in written form the dominant oral and improvisatory traditions of black culture. 2 Langston Hughes was born in Missouri in 1902. He began to write poetry in high school and later attended Columbia University in New York. After one year at university, Hughes commenced a nomadic life in the United States and Europe. He shipped out as a merchant marine and worked in a Paris nightclub, all the while writing and publishing poetry. His prolific literary career was launched in 1926 with the publication of his first book, The Weary Blues, a collection of poems on African American themes set to rhythms from jazz and blues. His first novel appeared in 1930, and from that point on Hughes was known as "the bard of Harlem." 3 In the activist 1930s, Hughes was a public figure. He worked as a journalist, published works in several media, and founded African American theaters in New York, Chicago, and Los Angeles. Hughes's concern with race, mainly in an urban setting, is evident in his poetry, plays, screenplays, novels, and short stories. His poetry includes lyrics about black life and black pride as well as poems of racial protest. His major prose writings are those concerned with the character Jesse B. Semple, a shrewd but supposedly ignorant Harlem resident nicknamed Simple. Simple was a wise fool, an honest man who saw through sham and spoke plainly. The Simple stories were originally published as newspaper sketches and later collected in five book volumes. 4 By the 1960s, readers preferred themes that reflected the struggles of the times, and Hughes's writings were overshadowed by those of a younger generation of black poets. However, in more recent decades, scholars and readers have rediscovered Hughes and regard him as a major literary and social influence. His poetry and stories remain an enduring legacy of the Harlem Renaissance, and for this reason his position in the American canon is secure.
LIFE SUCCESS AND SATISFACTION 1 Life satisfaction, which can be defined as general happiness or well being, is related to several demographic and personal qualities. The factor of age is important because the elements that make up life satisfaction may differ from one age to the next. Income is more likely to predict life satisfaction among middle aged and older adults than among young adults. Health is a more significant predictor of happiness among older adults than among the young or the middle aged. However, average levels of life satisfaction do not change significantly with age. Generally speaking, older adults are as satisfied with their lives as are younger or middle-aged adults. 2 There is no single element that guarantees high life satisfaction for everyone who possesses it. Happiness seems to consist of many things that each person weighs differently, such as income, education, work, and relationships. However, certain factors are reliable predictors of life satisfaction. One such predictor is health, especially one's perception of one's own health rather than a doctor's objective health assessment. Another predictor of life satisfaction is a feeling of being in charge of one's own life and a sense of authority over one's own decisions. Adults who feel that they have some choices and options are generally happier than those who feel that their lives are controlled by others or by fate or chance. For example, older adults who experience financial strain feel less life satisfaction mainly because the problem signals a loss of control over their lives. 3 The largest predictor of life satisfaction appears to be the adequacy of social relationships, especially marriage and family relationships. The perceived quality rather than the quantity of social interactions is most strongly related to happiness. Satisfaction with one's close personal relationships is more closely linked to overall life satisfaction than either demographic factors or satisfaction with other key aspects of adult life such as occupation. This is true even among highly educated men, who typically have a very high commitment to their work. The quality of social support available in one's key relationships affects the ability to handle stress and life changes as well as one's ongoing level of life satisfaction. 4 Studies suggest that family background and early-adulthood resources are predictors of psychological health or success at midlife. People who age well are those who start out well. One study showed that the happiest and most successful middle-aged adults had grown up in warm, supportive, intellectually stimulating families. Well-adjusted or successful middle-aged adults began adulthood with more personal resources, including better psychological and physical health at college age. They also had been practical and well organized in college and had shown greater intellectual competence. 5 However, no measure of early family environment or early-adult competence remained a significant predictor of psychological well being at the end of middle age. One study of men revealed that at the age of 65, there were no childhood or early-adulthood characteristics that distinguished between men who had turned out well and those who had not. However, what did predict success and well being at age 65 was the men's health and adjustment at midlife. These results suggest that a successful adult life is not something preordained from childhood or early adulthood but rather something created out of the opportunities available over the course of one's life. Late-life success is related more directly to midlife qualities or experiences. People who start out with certain advantages have a greater chance of experiencing further advantages; however, it is what one does with the experiences-both positive and negative-that determines long-term life satisfaction. The choices that people make in early adulthood help shape who they are at midlife, and those midlife qualities in turn influence who they become later in life. Glossary: demographic: relating to demography, the study of human populations
Directions
: Read the passage. Then answer the questions. Give yourself 20 minutes to complete this practice set.
REFLECTION IN TEACHING
Teachers, it is thought, benefit from the practice of reflection, the conscious act of thinking deeply about and carefully examining the interactions and events within their own classrooms. Educators T. Wildman and J. Niles (1987) describe a scheme for developing reflective practice in experienced teachers. This was justified by the view that reflective practice could help teachers to feel more intellectually involved in their role and work in teaching and enable them to cope with the paucity of scientific fact and the uncertainty of knowledge in the discipline of teaching.
Wildman and Niles were particularly interested in investigating the conditions under which reflection might flourish—a subject on which there is little guidance in the literature. They designed an experimental strategy for a group of teachers in Virginia and worked with 40 practicing teachers over several years. They were concerned that many would be "drawn to these new, refreshing conceptions of teaching only to find that the void between the abstractions and the realities of teacher reflection is too great to bridge. Reflection on a complex task such as teaching is not easy." The teachers were taken through a program of talking about teaching events, moving on to reflecting about specific issues in a supported, and later an independent, manner.
Wildman and Niles observed that systematic reflection on teaching required a sound ability to understand classroom events in an objective manner. They describe the initial understanding in the teachers with whom they were working as being "utilitarian...and not rich or detailed enough to drive systematic reflection." Teachers rarely have the time or opportunities to view their own or the teaching of others in an objective manner. Further observation revealed the tendency of teachers to evaluate events rather than review the contributory factors in a considered manner by, in effect, standing outside the situation.
Helping this group of teachers to revise their thinking about classroom events became central. This process took time and patience and effective trainers. The researchers estimate that the initial training of the teachers to view events objectively took between 20 and 30 hours, with the same number of hours again being required to practice the skills of reflection.
Wildman and Niles identify three principles that facilitate reflective practice in a teaching situation. The first is support from administrators in an education system, enabling teachers to understand the requirements of reflective practice and how it relates to teaching students. The second is the availability of sufficient time and space. The teachers in the program described how they found it difficult to put aside the immediate demands of others in order to give themselves the time they needed to develop their reflective skills. The third is the development of a collaborative environment with support from other teachers. Support and encouragement were also required to help teachers in the program cope with aspects of their professional life with which they were not comfortable. Wildman and Niles make a summary comment: "Perhaps the most important thing we learned is the idea of the teacher-as-reflective-practitioner will not happen simply because it is a good or even compelling idea."
The work of Wildman and Niles suggests the importance of recognizing some of the difficulties of instituting reflective practice. Others have noted this, making a similar point about the teaching profession"s cultural inhibitions about reflective practice. Zeichner and Liston (1987) point out the inconsistency between the role of the teacher as a (reflective) professional decision maker and the more usual role of the teacher as a technician, putting into practice the ideas of others. More basic than the cultural issues is the matter of motivation. Becoming a reflective practitioner requires extra work (Jaworski, 1993) and has only vaguely defined goals with, perhaps, little initially perceivable reward and the threat of vulnerability. Few have directly questioned what might lead a teacher to want to become reflective. Apparently, the most obvious reason for teachers to work toward reflective practice is that teacher educators think it is a good thing. There appear to be many unexplored matters about the motivation to reflect—for example, the value of externally motivated reflection as opposed to that of teachers who might reflect by habit.
Directions
: Read the passage. Then answer the questions. Give yourself 20 minutes to complete this practice set.
WHICH HAND DID THEY USE?
We all know that many more people today are right-handed than left-handed. Can one trace this same pattern far back in prehistory? Much of the evidence about right-hand versus left-hand dominance comes from stencils and prints found in rock shelters in Australia and elsewhere, and in many Ice Age caves in France, Spain, and Tasmania. When a left hand has been stenciled, this implies that the artist was right-handed, and vice versa. Even though the paint was often sprayed on by mouth, one can assume that the dominant hand assisted in the operation. One also has to make the assumption that hands were stenciled palm downward—a left hand stenciled palm upward might of course look as if it were a right hand. Of 158 stencils in the French cave of Gargas, 136 have been identified as left, and only 22 as right; right-handedness was therefore heavily predominant.
Cave art furnishes other types of evidence of this phenomenon. Most engravings, for example, are best lit from the left, as befits the work of right-handed artists, who generally prefer to have the light source on the left so that the shadow of their hand does not fall on the tip of the engraving tool or brush. In the few cases where an Ice Age figure is depicted holding something, it is mostly, though not always, in the right hand.
Clues to right-handedness can also be found by other methods. Right-handers tend to have longer, stronger, and more muscular bones on the right side, and Marcellin Boule as long ago as 1911 noted the La Chapelle-aux-Saints Neanderthal skeleton had a right upper arm bone that was noticeably stronger than the left. Similar observations have been made on other Neanderthal skeletons such as La Ferrassie I and Neanderthal itself.
Fractures and other cut marks are another source of evidence. Right-handed soldiers tend to be wounded on the left. The skeleton of a 40- or 50-year-old Nabatean warrior, buried 2,000 years ago in the Negev Desert, Israel, had multiple healed fractures to the skull, the left arm, and the ribs.
Tools themselves can be revealing. Long-handed Neolithic spoons of yew wood preserved in Alpine villages dating to 3000 B.C. have survived; the signs of rubbing on their left side indicate that their users were right-handed. The late Ice Age rope found in the French cave of Lascaux consists of fibers spiraling to the right, and was therefore tressed by a right-hander.
Occasionally one can determine whether stone tools were used in the right hand or the left, and it is even possible to assess how far back this feature can be traced. In stone toolmaking experiments, Nick Toth, a right-hander, held the core (the stone that would become the tool) in his left hand and the hammer stone in his right. As the tool was made, the core was rotated clockwise, and the flakes, removed in sequence, had a little crescent of cortex (the core"s outer surface) on the side. Toth"s knapping produced 56 percent flakes with the cortex on the right, and 44 percent left-oriented flakes. A left-handed toolmaker would produce the opposite pattern. Toth has applied these criteria to the similarly made pebble tools from a number of early sites (before 1.5 million years) at Koobi Fora, Kenya, probably made by Homo habilis. At seven sites he found that 57 percent of the flakes were right-oriented, and 43 percent left, a pattern almost identical to that produced today.
About 90 percent of modern humans are right-handed: we are the only mammal with a preferential use of one hand. The part of the brain responsible for fine control and movement is located in the left cerebral hemisphere, and the findings above suggest that the human brain was already asymmetrical in its structure and function not long after 2 million years ago. Among Neanderthalers of 70,000-35,000 years ago, Marcellin Boule noted that the La Chapelle-aux-Saints individual had a left hemisphere slightly bigger than the right, and the same was found for brains of specimens from Neanderthal, Gibraltar, and La Quina.
Directions
: Read the passage. Then answer the questions. Give yourself 20 minutes to complete this practice set.
ANCIENT EGYPTIAN SCULPTURE
In order to understand ancient Egyptian art, it is vital to know as much as possible of the elite Egyptians" view of the world and the functions and contexts of the formal art produced for them. Without this knowledge we can appreciate only the formal content of Egyptian art, and we will fail to understand why it was produced or the concepts that shaped it and caused it to adopt its distinctive forms. In fact, a lack of understanding concerning the purposes of Egyptian art has often led it to be compared unfavorably with the art of other cultures: Why did the Egyptians not develop sculpture in which the body turned and twisted through space like classical Greek statuary? Why do the artists seem to get left and right confused? And why did they not discover the geometric perspective as European artists did in the Renaissance? The answer to such questions has nothing to do with a lack of skill or imagination on the part of Egyptian artists and everything to do with the purposes for which they were producing their art.
The majority of three-dimensional representations, whether standing, seated, or kneeling, exhibit what is called frontality: they face straight ahead, neither twisting nor turning. When such statues are viewed in isolation, out of their original context and without knowledge of their function, it is easy to criticize them for their rigid attitudes that remained unchanged for three thousand years. Frontality is, however, directly related to the functions of Egyptian statuary and the contexts in which the statues were set up. Statues were created not for their decorative effect but to play a primary role in the cults of the gods, the king, and the dead. They were designed to be put in places where these beings could manifest themselves in order to be the recipients of ritual actions. Thus it made sense to show the statue looking ahead at what was happening in front of it, so that the living performer of the ritual could interact with the divine or deceased recipient. Very often such statues were enclosed in rectangular shrines or wall niches whose only opening was at the front, making it natural for the statue to display frontality. Other statues were designed to be placed within an architectural setting, for instance, in front of the monumental entrance gateways to temples known as pylons, or in pillared courts, where they would be placed against or between pillars: their frontality worked perfectly within the architectural context.
Statues were normally made of stone, wood, or metal. Stone statues were worked from single rectangular blocks of material and retained the compactness of the original shape. The stone between the arms and the body and between the legs in standing figures or the legs and the seat in seated ones was not normally cut away. From a practical aspect this protected the figures against breakage and psychologically gives the images a sense of strength and power, usually enhanced by a supporting back pillar. By contrast, wooden statues were carved from several pieces of wood that were pegged together to form the finished work, and metal statues were either made by wrapping sheet metal around a wooden core or cast by the lost wax process
1
. The arms could be held away from the body and carry separate items in their hands; there is no back pillar. The effect is altogether lighter and freer than that achieved in stone, but because both perform the same function, formal wooden and metal statues still display frontality.
Apart from statues representing deities, kings, and named members of the elite that can be called formal, there is another group of three-dimensional representations that depicts generic figures, frequently servants, from the nonelite population. The function of these is quite different. Many are made to be put in the tombs of the elite in order to serve the tomb owners in the afterlife. Unlike formal statues that are limited to static poses of standing, sitting, and kneeling, these figures depict a wide range of actions, such as grinding grain, baking bread, producing pots, and making music, and they are shown in appropriate poses, bending and squatting as they carry out their tasks.
lost wax process
1
: an ancient method of casting using a wax model and clay mold
{{B}}Set 5 Economics{{/B}}
Social Welfare: Post Cancer Employment
Professor: People who are cancer survivors and still ______ are often still able to return to work after successfully undergoing treatment. It has been found that people who survive certain types of cancer that can be detected early, mainly ______ and melanomas, have the ______ of disease-related problems and of having to totally stop working. Meanwhile, patients ______ affecting the central nervous system, head and neck, blood or lymph system had the ______ and unemployment, in the four years following therapy. This suggests that some cancer patients require more assistance ______.
According to Dr. Pamela Farley Short of Pennsylvania State University, a way to determine a ______ after treatment is by their ability to return to work. ______ social interactions and relationships and ______, work plays an important role. Many people identify themselves by the job they do. On the whole, this can be ______. However, it also ______ the fact that about 20% of cancer survivors continue to have problems that affect their work.
This data is the result of interviews of 1,400 cancer survivors treated at four medical centers from 1997 to 1999. Of the patients who had jobs when they ______, 13% were unable to continue working for ______ within four years of being diagnosed. 40% of patients had to stop working ______. Of these patients, 84% were able to go back to work, often within the first year. In this study, 20% of patients experienced work disability ______, but 50% of the patients worked ______ that were a result of the treatment.
Patients who were least likely to experience work disability or found it necessary to leave their job once treatment started were ______, prostate, thyroid, uterus and skin cancer. However, people who had other types of cancer had a more difficult time. Patients treated for tumors effecting the brain or ______, experienced the highest rates of work disability and had one of the highest ______. At a greater risk of work disability and unemployment were patients with ______ and head and neck cancers.
The differences ______ returning to work and experiencing other types of disabilities are often related to the point at which tumors are diagnosed as well as the way certain types of cancer affects the body and the type of treatment. In the public health sector, the successful effort to have women have mammograms has resulted in more women being diagnosed earlier—a time when the treatment is ______.
For doctors and other people working ______ and treatment, the challenge is to identify and help cancer survivors with work-related issues. Patients need to be informed of the legal protection, if there is, ______. There are several organizations like the American Cancer Society that have information on this. Doctors and ______ should help employers understand that people who survive cancer are going to continue on living for a long time and ______ other people are.
Fighting in Nature In nature, fighting is such an ever-present process that its behavior mechanisms and weapons are highly developed. Almost every animal capable of self-defense from the smallest upwards fights furiously when it is cornered and has no means of escape. However, in another respect the fight between hunter and hunted is not a fight in the real sense of the word: the stroke of the paw with which a lion kills his prey may resemble the movements that he makes when he strikes his rival, but the inner motives of the hunter are basically different from those of the fighter. The buffalo which the lion fells provokes his aggression as little as the appetizing turkey which I have just seen hanging in the larder provokes mine. The difference in these inner drives can clearly be seen in the expression movements of the animal: a dog about to catch a hunted rabbit has the same kind of excited happy expression as he has when he greets his master or awaits some longed-for treat. Growling, laying the ears back, and other well-known expression movements of fighting behavior occur when predatory animals are afraid of a wildly resisting prey, and even then the expressions are only suggested. The opposite process, the counter-offensive, of the prey against the predator, is more nearly related to genuine aggression. Social animals in particular take every possible chance to attack the eating enemy that threatens their safety. This process is called "mobbing". The survival value of this attack on the hunter is self-evident. Even if the attacker is small and defenseless, he may do his enemy considerable harm. For example, if a sparrow hawk is pursued by a flock of warning wagtails, his hunting is spoiled for the time being. And many birds will mob an owl if they find one in the day-time, and drive it so far away that it will hunt somewhere else the next night. In some social animals such as jackdaws and many kinds of geese, the function of mobbing is particularly interesting. In jackdaws, its most important survival value is to teach the young inexperienced birds what a dangerous eating-enemy looks like, which they do not know instinctively. For just such educational reasons, geese and ducks may gather together in intense excitement to learn that a fox—anything furry, red-brown, long-shaped and slinking—is extremely dangerous. Besides this didactic function, mobbing of predators by jackdaws and geese still has the basic, original one of making the enemy's life a burden. Jackdaws actively attack their enemy, and geese apparently intimidate it with their cries, their thronging and their fearless advance. The great Canada Geese will even follow a fox overland in a close phalanx, and I have never known a fox in this situation try to catch one of his tormentors. With ears laid back and a disgusted expression on his face, he glances back over his shoulder at the trumpeting flock and trots slowly—so as not to lose face—away from them. Among the larger, more defense-minded grazing animals which en masse are a match for even the biggest predators, mobbing is particularly effective;A. [■] According to reliable reports, zebras will molest even a leopard if they catch him on plain where cover is sparse.B. [■] Once, when I was out with my dog, I was obliged to jump into a lake and swim for safety when a herd of young cattle half encircled us and advanced threateningly;C. [■] And when he was in Southern Hungary during the First World War, my brother spent a pleasant afternoon up a tree with his Scotch terrier under his arm, because a herd of half-wild Hungarian swine, disturbed while grazing in the wood, encircled him. D. [■] Fortunately, the swine dispersed after they confirmed that my brother and his dog were not offensive.
Directions: Read the passage. Then answer the questions. Give
yourself 20 minutes to complete this practice set.
CETACEAN INTELLIGENCE
We often hear that whales, dolphins, and porpoises are as intelligent as humans,
maybe even more so. Are they really that smart? There is no question that
cetaceans are among the most intelligent of animals. Dolphins, killer whales,
and pilot whales in captivity quickly learn tricks. The military has trained
bottlenose dolphins to find bombs and missile heads and to work as underwater
spies. This type of learning, however, is called conditioning.
The animal simply learns that when it performs a particular behavior, it gets a
reward, usually a fish. Many animals, including rats, birds, and even
invertebrates, can be conditioned to perform tricks. We certainly don't think of
these animals as our mental rivals. Unlike most other animals, however, dolphins
quickly learn by observations and may spontaneously imitate human activities.
One tame dolphin watched a diver cleaning an underwater viewing window, seized a
feather in its beak, and began imitating the diver—complete with sound effects!
Dolphins have also been seen imitating seals, turtles, and even
water-skiers. Given the seeming intelligence of cetaceans,
people are always tempted to compare them with humans and other animals. Studies
on discrimination and problem-solving skills in the bottlenose dolphin, for
instance, have concluded that its intelligence lies "somewhere between that of a
dog and a chimpanzee." Such comparisons are unfair. It is important to realize
that intelligence is a very human concept and that we evaluate it in human
terms. After all, not many people would consider themselves stupid because they
couldn't locate and identify a fish by its echo. Why should we judge cetaceans
by their ability to solve human problems? Both humans and
cetaceans have large brains with an expanded and distinctively folded surface,
the cortex. The cortex is the dominant association center of the brain, where
abilities such as memory and sensory perception are centered. Cetaceans have
larger brains than ours, but the ratio of brain to body weight is higher in
humans. Again, direct comparisons are misleading. In cetaceans it is mainly the
portions of the brain associated with hearing and the processing of sound
information that are expanded. The enlarged portions of our brain deal largely
with vision and hand-eye coordination. Cetaceans and humans almost certainly
perceive the world in very different ways. Their world is largely one of sounds,
ours one of sights. Contrary to what is depicted in movies and
on television, the notion of "talking" to dolphins is also misleading. Although
they produce a rich repertoire of complex sounds, they lack vocal cords and
their brains probably process sound differently from ours. Bottlenose dolphins
have been trained to make sounds through the blowhole that sound something like
human sounds, but this is a far cry from human speech. By the same token, humans
cannot make whale sounds. We will probably never be able to carry on an unaided
conversation with cetaceans. As in chimpanzees, captive
bottlenose dolphins have been taught American Sign Language. These dolphins have
learned to communicate with trainers who use sign language to ask simple
questions. Dolphins answer back by pushing a "yes" or "no" paddle. They have
even been known to give spontaneous responses not taught by the trainers.
Evidence also indicates that these dolphins can distinguish between commands
that differ from each other only by their word order, a truly remarkable
achievement. Nevertheless, dolphins do not seem to have a real language like
ours. Unlike humans, dolphins probably cannot convey very complex
messages. Observations of cetaceans in the wild have provided
some insights on their learning abilities. Several bottlenose dolphins off
western Australia, for instance, have been observed carrying large cone-shaped
sponges over their beaks. They supposedly use the sponges for protection against
stingrays and other hazards on the bottom as they search for fish to eat. This
is the first record of the use of tools among wild cetaceans.
Instead of "intelligence," some people prefer to speak of "awareness." In any
case, cetaceans probably have a very different awareness and perception of their
environment than do humans. Maybe one day we will come to understand cetaceans
on their terms instead of ours, and perhaps we will discover a mental
sophistication rivaling our own.
OriginsofJazzMusicThemusicalphenomenonknownasjazzdevelopedintheyearsjustpriorto1900,mainlyinthecityofNewOrleansandtoalesserextentinotherlargeAmericancities.TherootsofthisquintessentiallyAmericanmusicarevariedandcomplex,butseveralmainstrandsofcultureandmusicaltraditioncanbethoughtofasprecursorswhicheventuallyculminatedinarecognizablemusicalgenre.ItisprobablethatblackAfricanswhowerebroughttotheNewWorldtoworkasslavesonplantationscarriedwiththemanabilitytoimproviseinmusic,inotherwords,tospontaneouslyvaryindividualpartsinamusicalperformance.Whileworkingasslavesonplantationsandlaterasfreehandsinworkplaces,blacksusedworksongswithadegreeofimprovisation,recallingtheirAfricanheritage,asarhythmtoeasethepainofhardmanuallabor.Thesesongsincludedspirituals,thatis,religioussongsexpressingthehardconditionofbeingslaves,andfieldhollers,whichwereaformofcommunicationbetweenfieldhands.Theproblemsfacedbythenewlyfreedslavesalsobecamematerialforastyleofsingingwhichoriginatedinmoaningandlamentationsaboutthedifficultiesoflife.Atfirsttheseimprovisationswerenotaccompaniedbyinstruments,butlater,travelingmusicianswithguitarsorbanjoscreatedsoundswithsoaringandslidingpitch.Eventuallyapatternofmusicemergedwhichwasreferredtoastheblues,animportantcomponentofearlyjazzforms.Anotherimportantingredientintheformationofjazziswhatbecameknownasragtime,amusicalformthatflourishedfromabout1890untilthestartofWorldWarI,inwhichthemelodyofatunewassyncopatedoverthebasslineandgavearaggedfeel.Ragtimeeventuallybecameformalizedandwritten,butthestyleoftheragtimetuneswasinfluentialinformingtheearlydirectionofjazzmusic.MusicologistshavepointedoutthatNewOrleansbecamethefocalpointofearlyjazzperformancebecausebrassinstrumentsusedbymilitiabandsduringtheCivilWarandbytownbandsforentertainmentbegantofindtheirwayintosecondhandstoresandpawnshopsinNewOrleans.Thisenabledpoorerpeopletoobtaininstrumentscheaply.Thedemandforlivemusicwassogreatthatmanyoftheseamateurs,whosemasteryofthesecheaplyboughtinstrumentswasoftenincomplete,werecalledontoperform,theirunpolishedstylemayhavebeenanimportantingredientofthespontaneousandunorthodoxsoundtypicalofearlyjazz.AccordingtoLenWeinstock,ahistorianofjazz,anotherreasonwhyNewOrleansbecameacenterofthismusicalstylewastheexistencewithinthecity'spopulationofalargegroupofFrenchandSpanishsettlerswhopreservedtheircharacteristicspeechandculture.ThroughintermarriagewithAfricanAmericans,asubcultureofdescendantsdeveloped,theCreoles.SincetheCreolesinNewOrleanshadnotbeenenslaved,manyofthembecamedistinguishedintheeconomicandculturallifeoftheFrenchsectionofthecity.CreoleshadtheirownmusicalresourcesinfluencedbyFrenchorSpanishcolonialtraditions,butsomewerealsoformallytrainedintheEuropeanclassicaltraditionandlearnedtheprecisetechniquesandtonalsophisticationnecessarytoplayinchamberensemblesandevenattheoperahouse.However,in1894,CreoleslivinginNewOrleanswereforcedbyaracialsegregationlawtomovetotheareaofthecityinhabitedbythepoor,largelyuneducatedblackpopulationwhosemusicaltraditionwastypicallycharacterizedbymemorizationandimprovisation,alegacyoftheirAfricanandslaveorigins.Thediversemusicaltraditionsofthesetwogroupseventuallyculminatedinasynthesis,themainfeatureofwhichwasasoloistplayinganinterpretedmelodywithotherbandmembersimprovisingharmonywithrhythmicembellishments.Thislooselystructuredmusicalstylebecameknownasjazzaroundtheturnofthecentury.Glossary:quintessentially:representingthemostperfectortypicalexampleofsomethingsyncopated:havingarhythminwhichstrongnotesarenotonthebeat
THE LONGHOUSE 1 The people of the longhouse lived in fortified villages in elevated areas that were easy to defend and were located near a water supply. Twenty-foot palisades surrounded a group of longhouses and acted as a defensive wall that also kept forest animals from foraging within the village. The longhouse was the typical housing unit within the stockade. A number of families were housed within each longhouse, which varied in size from 20 by 16 feet to huge multiple family structures of 60 by 18 feet. In the more populous villages, longhouses could be more than 300 feet long. The longhouse was more than just a shelter; it was the basic unit upon which the entire society was constructed. 2 In building the longhouse, a row of forked poles was placed in the ground, between four and five feet apart. Cross poles were lashed to the forked uprights to form an arched roof. Slender poles or rafters were then secured to the roof frame, and traverse poles were added to further strengthen the overhead structure. Large pieces of bark were then tied to the frame. An outer set of poles kept the bark in place on the sides and roof. Smoke holes were built into the roof at about twenty-foot intervals. Two families shared the stone-lined hearth beneath each smoke hole. 3 At each end of the longhouse was a door with a covering of animal hide or hinged bark that could be lifted up for entering and exiting. Along each inside wall were bunks that served as beds at night and benches in the day. Corn, dried fish, and other foods hung from overhead. The dwelling was compartmentalized to accommodate each family. At the front of the longhouse, over the door, carved images of clan symbols represented the families living there.
Listening4"Professor'sOffice"
Reading3"GroupDecisionMaking"AdvantagesofGroupDecisionMaking→Committees,taskforces,andadhocgroupsarefrequentlyassignedtoidentifyandrecommenddecisionalternativesor,insomecases,toactuallymakeimportantdecisions.Inessence,agroupisatoolthatcanfocustheexperienceandexpertiseofseveralpeopleonaparticularproblemorsituation.Thus,agroupofferstheadvantageofgreatertotalknowledge.Groupsaccumulatemoreinformation,knowledge,andfactsthanindividualsandoftenconsidermorealternatives.Eachpersoninthegroupisabletodrawonhisorheruniqueeducation,experience,insights,andotherresourcesandcontributethosetothegroup.Thevariedbackgrounds,traininglevels,andexpertiseofgroupmembersalsohelpovercometunnelvisionbyenablingthegrouptoviewtheprobleminmorethanoneway.→Participationingroupdecisionmakingusuallyleadstohighermembersatisfaction.Peopletendtoacceptadecisionmorereadilyandtobebettersatisfiedwithitwhentheyhaveparticipatedinmakingthatdecision.Inaddition,peoplewillbetterunderstandandbemorecommittedtoadecisioninwhichtheyhavehadasaythantoadecisionmadeforthem.Asaresult,suchadecisionismorelikelytobeimplementedsuccessfully.DisadvantagesofGroupDecisionMaking→Whilegroupshavemanypotentialbenefits,weallknowthattheycanalsobefrustrating.Oneobviousdisadvantageofgroupdecisionmakingisthetimerequiredtomakeadecision.Thetimeneededforgroupdiscussionandtheassociatedcompromisingandselectingofadecisionalternativecanbeconsiderable.Timecostsmoney,soawasteoftimebecomesadisadvantageifadecisionmadebyagroupcouldhavebeenmadejustaseffectivelybyanindividualworkingalone.Consequently,groupdecisionsshouldbeavoidedwhenspeedandefficiencyaretheprimaryconsiderations.Aseconddisadvantageisthatthegroupdiscussionmaybedominatedbyanindividualorsubgroup.Effectivenesscanbereducedifoneindividual,suchasthegroupleader,dominatesthediscussionbytalkingtoomuchorbeingclosedtootherpointsofview.Somegroupleaderstrytocontrolthegroupandprovidethemajorinput.Suchdominancecanstifleothergroupmembers'willingnesstoparticipateandcouldcausedecisionalternativestobeignoredoroverlooked.Allgroupmembersneedtobeencouragedandpermittedtocontribute.→Anotherdisadvantageofgroupdecisionmakingisthatmembersmaybelessconcernedwiththegroup'sgoalsthanwiththeirownpersonalgoals.Theymaybecomesosidetrackedintryingtowinanargumentthattheyforgetaboutgroupperformance.Ontheotherhand,agroupmaytrytoohardtocompromiseandconsequentlymaynotmakeoptimaldecisions.Sometimesthisstemsfromthedesiretomaintainfriendshipsandavoiddisagreements.Oftengroupsexerttremendoussocialpressureonindividualstoconformtoestablishedorexpectedpatternsotbehavior.Especiallywhentheyaredealingwithimportantandcontroversialissues,interactinggroupsmaybepronetoaphenomenoncalledgroupthink.→Groupthinkisanagreement-at-any-costmentalitythatresultsinineffectivegroupdecisionmaking.Itoccurswhengroupsarehighlycohesive,havehighlydirectiveleaders,areinsulatedsotheyhavenoclearwaystogetobjectiveinformation,and—becausetheylackoutsideinformation—havelittlehopethatabettersolutionmightbefoundthantheoneproposedbytheleaderorotherinfluentialgroupmembers.Theseconditionsfostertheillusionthatthegroupisinvulnerable,right,andmoremoralthanoutsiders.Theyalsoencouragethedevelopmentofself-appointed"mindguards"whobringpressureondissenters.Insuchsituations,decisions—oftenimportantdecisions—aremadewithoutconsiderationofalternativeframesoralternativeoptions.Itisdifficulttoimagineconditionsmoreconducivetopoordecisionmakingandwrongdecisions.Recentresearchindicatesthatgroupthinkmayalsoresultwhengroupmembershavepreconceivedideasabouthowaproblemshouldbesolved.Undertheseconditions,theteammaynotexamineafullrangeofdecisionalternatives,oritmaydiscountoravoidinformationthatthreatensitspreconceivedchoice.
Directions: Read the passage. Then answer the questions. Give
yourself 20 minutes to complete this practice set.
CAVE ART IN EUROPE The
earliest discovered traces of art are beads and carvings, and then paintings,
from sites dating back to the Upper Paleolithic period. We might expect that
early artistic efforts would be crude, but the cave paintings of Spain and
southern France show a marked degree of skill. So do the naturalistic paintings
on slabs of stone excavated in southern Africa. Some of those slabs appear to
have been painted as much as 28,000 years ago, which suggests that painting in
Africa is as old as painting in Europe. But painting may be even older than
that. The early Australians may have painted on the walls of rock shelters and
cliff faces at least 30,000 years ago, and maybe as much as 60,000 years
ago. The researchers Peter Ucko and Andree Rosenfeld identified
three principal locations of paintings in the caves of western Europe: (1) in
obviously inhabited rock shelters and cave entrances; (2) in galleries
immediately off the inhabited areas of caves; and (3) in the inner reaches of
caves, whose difficulty of access has been interpreted by some as a sign that
magical-religious activities were performed there. The subjects
of the paintings are mostly animals. The paintings rest on bare walls, with no
backdrops or environmental trappings. Perhaps, like many contemporary peoples,
Upper Paleolithic men and women believed that the drawing of a human image could
cause death or injury, and if that were indeed their belief, it might explain
why human figures are rarely depicted in cave art. Another explanation for the
focus on animals might be that these people sought to improve their luck at
hunting. This theory is suggested by evidence of chips in the painted figures,
perhaps made by spears thrown at the drawings. But if improving their hunting
luck was the chief motivation for the paintings, it is difficult to explain why
only a few show signs of having been speared. Perhaps the paintings were
inspired by the need to increase the supply of animals. Cave art seems to have
reached a peak toward the end of the Upper Paleolithic period, when the herds of
game were decreasing. The particular symbolic significance of
the cave paintings in southwestern France is more explicitly revealed, perhaps,
by the results of a study conducted by researchers Patricia Rice and Ann
Paterson. The data they present suggest that the animals portrayed in the cave
paintings were mostly the ones that the painters preferred for meat and for
materials such as hides. For example, wild cattle (bovines) and horses are
portrayed more often than we would expect by chance, probably because they were
larger and heavier (meatier) than other animals in the environment. In addition,
the paintings mostly portray animals that the painters may have feared the most
because of their size, speed, natural weapons such as tusks and horns, and the
unpredictability of their behavior. That is, mammoths, bovines, and horses are
portrayed more often than deer and reindeer. Thus, the paintings are consistent
with the idea that the art is related to the importance of hunting in the
economy of Upper Paleolithic people. Consistent with this idea, according to the
investigators, is the fact that the art of the cultural period that followed the
Upper Paleolithic also seems to reflect how people got their food. But in that
period, when getting food no longer depended on hunting large game animals
(because they were becoming extinct), the art ceased to focus on portrayals of
animals. Upper Paleolithic art was not confined to cave
paintings. Many shafts of spears and similar objects were decorated with figures
of animals. The anthropologist Alexander Marshack has an interesting
interpretation of some of the engravings made during the Upper Paleolithic. He
believes that as far back as 30,000 B.C., hunters may have used a system of
notation, engraved on bone and stone, to mark phases of the Moon. If this is
true, it would mean that Upper Paleolithic people were capable of complex
thought and were consciously aware of their environment. In addition to other
artworks, figurines representing the human female in exaggerated form have also
been found at Upper Paleolithic sites. It has been suggested that these
figurines were an ideal type or an expression of a desire for fertility.