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ForeachofQuestions1to6,compareQuantityAandQuantityB,usingadditionalinformationcenteredabovethetwoquantitiesifsuchinformationisgiven,Selectoneofthefollowingfouranswerchoicesandfillinthecorrespondingovaltotherightofthequestion.AQuantityAisgreater.BQuantityBisgreater.CThetwoquantitiesareequal,DTherelationshipcannotbedeterminedfromtheinformationgiven.
While chocolate was highly esteemed in Mesoamerica, where it originated, its adoption in Europe was initially slow. There is a common belief that Europeans needed to 'transform' chocolate to make it appetizing. However, while Spaniards did put sugar, which was unknown to indigenous Americans, into chocolate beverages, this additive was not completely innovative. Mesoamericans were already sweetening chocolate with honey, and the step from honey to sugar—increasingly more available than honey because of expanding sugar plantations in the Americas—is a small one. Likewise, although Spaniards adjusted Mesoamerican recipes by using European spices, the spices chosen suggest an attempt to replicate harder-to-find native flowers. There is no indication the Spaniards deliberately tried to change the original flavor of chocolate.
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In a recent study, David Cressy examines two central questions concerning English immigration to New England in the 1630s: what kinds of people immigrated and why? Using contemporary literary evidence, shipping lists, and customs records, Cressy finds that most adult immigrants were skilled in farming or crafts, were literate, and were organized in families. Each of these characteristics sharply distinguishes the 21,000 people who left for New England in the 1630s from most of the approximately 377,000 English people who had immigrated to America by 1700. With respect to their reasons for immigrating, Cressy does not deny the frequently noted fact that some of the immigrants of the 1630s, most notably the organizers and clergy, advanced religious explanations for departure, but he finds that such explanations usually assumed primacy only in retrospect. When he moves beyond the principal actors, he finds that religious explanations were less frequently offered, and he concludes that most people immigrated because they were recruited by promises of material improvement.
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In the early twentieth century, Clements proposed an ecological theory that, while challenged by scientists from its inception, has continued to influence popular conceptions of nature. Clements argued that plants form communities of interdependent species and that these communities function as 'superorganisms' that develop over time in a predictable succession of stages to a 'climax' formation. Thus forests, for example, if undisturbed by humans, will evolve toward a stable community of old-growth trees. However, many botanists immediately pointed out that these supposed superorganisms have no clear edges: while pine forests and hardwood forests might appear to constitute two distinct superorganisms, one of them can blend imperceptibly into the other. Gleason pointed out in 1927 that what Clements called succession often proceeds in both directions simultaneously: prairie gives way to pinewoods in one spot while pines give way to prairie in another. Gleason also emphasized the role that chance disturbance, such as fire or variations in rainfall, plays in determining the shape of the landscape.
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