Once upon a time
______ of you could be lost in the forest of buildings.
Mary didn't openly attack the plan
Hotel rooms must be ______ by noon
Leaving for work in plenty of time to catch the train will______worry about being late.
Despite Denmark's manifest virtues
The doctor's______is that she'll soon be as good as new if she takes insulin and watches her diet.
North Island, South Island
Ever since humans have inhabited the earth
“日本是关系社会而不是人与人之间相互影响的社会，”他说道，“一个人无法用电视讲话或一些笼统的提议来改变这样一种体制，无论电视讲话和提议的用意是多么的好。”
Although ______, nearly self-effacing
In Britain people______four million tons of potatoes every year.
Whatever games you take part in
Mercury is the nearest planet to the sun and its period of______is 88 days.
When she entered the room
If his father could not keep up the payments on the mortgage, his uncle might ______ it for him.
Historians have only recently begun to note the increase in demand for luxury goods and services that took place in eighteenth-century England. McKendrick has explored the Wedgwood firm's remarkable success in marketing luxury pottery; Plumb has written about the proliferation of provincial theater, musical festivals, and children's toys and books. While the fact of this consumer revolution is hardly in doubt, three key questions remain: Who were the consumers? What were their motives? And what were the effects of the new demand for luxuries? An answer to the first of these has been difficult to obtain. Although it has been possible to infer from the goods and services actually produced what manufacturers and servicing trades thought their customers wanted, only a study of relevant personal documents written by actual consumers will provide a precise picture of who wanted what. We still need to know how large this consumer market was and how far down the social scale the consumer demand for luxury goods penetrated. With regard to this last question, we might note in passing that Thompson, while rightly restoring laboring people to the stage of eighteenth-century English history, has probably exaggerated the opposition of these people to the inroads of capitalist consumerism in general; for example, laboring people in eighteenth-century England readily shifted from home-brewed beer to standardized beer produced by huge, heavily capitalized urban breweries. To answer the question of why consumers became so eager to buy, some historians have pointed to the ability of manufacturers to advertise in a relatively uncensored press. This, however, hardly seems a sufficient answer. Mckendrick favors a veblem model of conspicuous consumption stimulated by competition for status. The "middling sort" bought goods and services because they wanted to follow fashions set by the rich. Again, we may wonder whether this explanation is sufficient. Do not people enjoy buying things as a form of self-gratification? If so, consumerism could be seen as a product of the rise of new concepts of individualism and materialism, but not necessarily of the frenzy for conspicuous competition. Finally, what were the consequences of this consumer demand for luxuries? McKendrick claims that it goes a long way toward explaining the coming of the Industrial Revolution. But does it? What, for example, does the production of high-quality pottery and toys have to do with the development of iron manufacture or textile mills? It is perfectly possible to have the psychology and reality of a consumer society without a heavy industrial sector. That future exploration of these key questions is undoubtedly necessary should not, however, diminish the force of the conclusion of recent studies: The insatiable demand in eighteenth-century England for frivolous as well as useful goods and services foreshadows our own world. In the first paragraph, the author mentions McKendrick and Plumb most probably in order to ______.
Presently
The death of his father gave him a whole new ______ on life: now he spends more time with his family.
When people are asked what kind of housing they need or want, the question ______ a variety of answers.