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A recent history of the Chicago
meat-packing industry and its workers examines how the industry grew from its
appearance in the 1830's through the early 1890's. Meatpackers, the author
argues, had good wages, working conditions, and prospects for advancement within
the packinghouses, and did not cooperate with labor agitators since labor
relations were so harmonious. Because the history maintains that
conditions were above standard for the era, the frequency of labor disputes,
especially in the mid-1880's, is not accounted for. The work ignores the
fact that the 1880's were crucial years in American labor history, and that the'
packinghouse workers’ efforts were part of the national movement for labor
reform. In fact, other historical sources for the late
nineteenth century record deteriorating housing and high disease and infant
mortality rates in the industrial community, due to low wages and unhealthy
working conditions. Additional data from the University of Chicago suggest that
the packing houses were dangerous places to work. The government
investigation commissioned by President Theodore Roosevelt which eventually led
to the adoption of the 1906 Meat Inspection Act found the packinghouses
unsanitary, while social workers observed that most of the workers were poorly
paid and overworked. The history may be too optimistic because most of its data
date from the 1880 's at the latest, and the information provided from that
decade is insufficiently analyzed. Conditions actually declined in the 1880's,
and continued to decline after the 1880's, due to a reorganization of the
packing process and a massive influx of unskilled workers. The 'deterioration,
in worker status, partly a result of the new availability of unskilled and hence
cheap labor, is not discussed. Though a detailed account of work in the packing
houses is attempted, the author fails to distinguish between the wages and
conditions for skilled workers and for those unskilled laborers who comprised
the majority of the industry's workers from the 1880's on. While
conditions for the former were arguably tolerable due to the strategic
importance of skilled workers in the complicated slaughtering, cutting and
packing process (though worker complaints about the rate and conditions of work
were frequent), pay and conditions for the latter were wretched.
The author's misinterpretation of the origins of the feelings the
meat-packers had for their industrial neighborhood may account for the history's
faulty generalizations. The pride and contentment the author remarks upon
were, arguably, less the products of the industrial world of the packers—the
giant yards and the intricate plants—than of the unity and vibrancy of the
ethnic cultures that formed a viable community on Chicago's South Side. Indeed,
the strength of this community succeeded in generating a social movement that
effectively confronted the problems of the industry that provided its
livelihood.
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单选题Prices are sky-high, with profits to match. But looking further ahead, the industry faces wrenching change, says an expert of energy. "The time when we could count on cheap oil and even cheaper natural gas is clearly ending. "That was the gloomy forecast delivered in February by Dave O'Reilly, the chairman of Chevron Texaco, to hundreds of oilmen gathered for a conference in Houston. The following month, Venezuela's President Hugo Chavez gleefully echoed the sentiment: "The world should forget about cheap oil." The surge in oil prices, from $10 a barrel in 1998 to above $50 in early 2005,has prompted talk of a new era of sustained higher prices. But whenever a "new era" in oil is hailed, scepticism is in order. After all, this is essentially a cyclical business in which prices habitually yo-yo. Even so, an unusually loud chorus is now joining Messrs O'Reilly and Chavez, pointing to intriguing evidence of a new "price floor" of $30 or perhaps even $40. Confusingly, though, there are also signs that high oil prices may be caused by a speculative bubble that could burst quite suddenly. To see which camp is right, two questions need answering: why did the oil price soar? And what could keep it high? To make matters more complicated, there is in fact no such thing as a single "oil price": rather, there are dozens of varieties of crude trading at different prices. When newspapers write about oil prices, they usually mean one of two reference crudes: Brent from the North Sea, or West Texas Intermediate (WTI) . But when ministers from the Organisation of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) discuss prices, they usually refer to a basket of heavier cartel crudes, which trade at a discount to WTI and Brent. All oil prices mentioned in this survey are per barrel of WTI The recent volatility in prices is only one of several challenges facing the oil industry. Although at first sight Big Oil seems to be in rude health, posting record profits, this survey will argue that the western oil majors will have their work cut out to cope with the rise of resource nationalism, which threatens to choke off access to new oil reserves. This is essential to replace their existing reserves, which are rapidly declining. They will also have to respond to efforts by governments to deal with oil's serious environmental and geopolitical side-effects. Together, these challenges could yet wipe out the oil majors.
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单选题What does the example of the smallpox vaccine illustrate?
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单选题CORNELL'S SUICIDE PROBLEM. That's the description that broadcasted across the bottom of CNN during this morning's segment about the university installing fences to prevent people from jumping into the gap. Actually, CNN, it's not a suicide problem so much as a media problem—a problem stemming from outlets like yours that are quick to spread the myth that Cornell is the "suicide school". The New York Times is guilty, too. After the third Cornell suicide in less than a month, the Times ran a front-page story that said the university was on "high alert about the mental health of its students" and that the recent deaths "have cast a golly atmosphere over the university and renewed talk of Cornell's reputation—unsup-ported, say officials—as a high-stress 'suicide school'". But it's not until deep into the jump, on April 25th, that the article addresses the actual statistics, which indicate that Cornell's rate of suicides is no higher than the national average for a university of that size (about two a year). Other high-pressure colleges have more troubling numbers to contend with. MIT's suicide rate since 1964, when the university started keeping track, is about 14.6 per 100,000 students, according to an article in MIT's student newspaper, The Tech, compared to about 4.3 per 100,000 over the same time period at Cornell. And although the recent concentration of Cornell suicides is tragic and remarkable, it comes on the heels of four years without a single one. But the suicide-free years don't make headlines; jumpers do. Granted, I'm a proud Cornell alumna, so I'm particularly sensitive about these misconceptions. But I like to think I'm relatively objective about my alma mater. Cornell suicides, when they occur, tend to be dramatic. They get national media attention with frightening images like the ones CNN was flashing today of guys in uniforms watching the campus bridges. The idea of a stressed-out undergraduate throwing himself into a deep gap—it's frightening, and it stays with you. So much so that you probably remember it as more exaggerated a problem than it actually is. Individuals can't be faulted for that—our brains do funny things with unreliable evidence. But media outlets are different, and should be found at fault when they fan these misconceptions.
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单选题Ever since they were first staged in 19th century Europe, world's fairs have enabled people from around the globe to visit wondrous pavilions where they can discover distant lands and new technologies. The 2006 world's fair is no exception, but it also has a decidedly new- era twist: the whole event happens in cyberspace. A nonprofit project dreamed up by Americans Carl Malamud, a computer consultant, and Vinton Cerf, and Internet pioneer and telecommunications-company vice president, the Internet 2006 World Exposition is a digital work in progress, a multi-chambered forum that cybernauts can help build and renovate throughout the year--and perhaps long after the fair's official close in December. While high-tech pavilions set up by sponsoring corporations are featured prominently, as in real fairs, this virtual exposition is closer in spirit and reality to a vast bustling bazaar, a marketplace for the talents and offerings of thousands of individuals and small groups. Anyone with a computer and a modem can not only "attend" but also participate as an exhibitor by creating an individual multimedia Website. Getting the fair up and running was by no means easy. Malamud, 36, spent the past year shuttling among 30 countries, lobbying companies that initially dismissed the project as unwieldy and unworkable. While some nations immediately supported the idea, others completely missed the point of Malamud's vision: to make the fair a public-works project that focuses on what the Internet can offer expert or novice. Once grass-roots groups started backing the project, though, businesses were not far behind. By donating equipment and services, these companies will gain access to millions of potential consumers eager to see the firms' latest technologies. Since the exposition's Jan. 1 launch, as many as 40,000 visitors each day from more than 40 countries have tried the major Websites. Most virtual visitors log on from the U. S and Japan, but the United Arab Emirates, Sweden, Singapore and Estonia have been represented. Comments logged in the fair's guest book are overwhelmingly positive. "Wow, the world is shrinking," wrote a visitor from the Netherlands. Since their initial hesitancy, the major sponsors-primarily telecommunications and software companies--have become firm believers. Beyond the diversity of content and international scope, the fair is a technological marvel. The fastest international link ever installed, this pipeline could be the first step toward laying a permanent network that will eventually hardwire every nation in the world into the Internet. The organizers hope that the infrastructure--and awareness-nurtured by this exposition will launch a boom in Net use.
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Until recently, most American
entrepreneurs (企业家)were men. Discrimination against women in business, the
demands of caring for families, and lack of business training had kept the
number of women entrepreneurs small. Now, however, businesses owned by women
account for more than $40 billion in annual revenues, and this figure is likely
to continue rising throughout the 1980s. As Carolyn Doppelt Gray, an official of
the Small Business Administration, has noted, "The 1970s was the decade of women
entering management, and the 1980s has turned out to be the decade of the woman
entrepreneur." What are some of the factors behind this trend?
For one thing, as more women earn advanced degrees in business and enter the
corporate world, they are finding obstacles. Women are still excluded from most
executive suites. Charlotte Taylor, a management consultant, had noted, "In the
1970s women believed if they got an MBA and worked hard, they could become
chairman of the board. Now they've found out that isn't going to happen, so they
go out on their own." In the past, most women entrepreneurs
worked in "women's" fields—cosmetics and clothing, for example. But this is
changing. Consider ASK Computer Systems, a $22-million-a-year computer software
business. It was founded in 1973 by Sandra Kurtzig, who was then a housewife
with degrees in math and engineering. When Kurtzig founded the business, her
first product was software that let weekly newspapers keep tabs on their
newspaper carriers—and her office was a bedroom at home, with a shoebox under
the bed to hold the company's cash. After she succeeded with the newspaper
software system, she hired several bright computer-science graduates to develop
additional programs. When these were marketed and sold. ASK began to grow. It
now has 200 employees, and Sandra Kurtzig owns $66.9 million of stock.
Of course, many women who start their own businesses fail, just as men
often do. They still face hurdles in the business world, especially problems in
raising money; the Banking and finance world is still dominated by men, and old
attitudes die hard. Most businesses owned by women are still quite
small. But the situation is changing; there are likely to be
many more Sandra Kurtzigs in the years ahead.
