单选题According to the text, no measures were resorted to in environmental protection after World War Ⅱ in Japan because

单选题This text appears to be a digest of

单选题We may safely conclude from the passage that ______.

单选题It can be learned from the text that new start-ups

单选题Education is one of the key words of our time. A man, without an education, many of us believe, is an unfortunate victim of unfortunate circumstances deprived of one of the greatest twentieth-century opportunities. Convinced of the importance of education, modern states "invest" in institutions of learning to get back "interest" in the form of a large group of enlightened young men and women who are potential leaders. Education, with its cycles of instruction so carefully worked out, is punctuated by textbooks--those purchasable wells of wisdom what would civilization be like without its benefits? So much is certain: that we would have doctors and preachers, lawyers and defendants, marriages and births; but our spiritual outlook would be different. We would lay less stress on "facts and figures" and more on a good memory, on applied psychology, and on the capacity of a man to get along with his fellow-citizens. If our educational system were fashioned after its bookless past we would have the most democratic form of "college" imaginable. Among the people whom we like to call savages all knowledge inherited by tradition is shared by all; it is taught to every member of the tribe so that in this respect everybody is equally equipped for life. It is the ideal condition of the "equal start" which only our most progressive forms of modern education try to reach again. In primitive cultures the obligation to seek and to receive the traditional instruction is binding on all. There are no "illiterates"--if the term can be applied to peoples without a script--while our own compulsory school attendance became law in Germany in 1642, in France in 1806, and in England in 1976, and is still non-existent in a number of "civilized" nations. This shows how long it was before we considered it necessary to make sure that all our children could share in the knowledge accumulated by the "happy few" during the past centuries. Education in the wilderness is not a matter of monetary means. All are entitled to an equal start. There is none of the hurry that, in our society, often hampers the fui1 development of a growing personality. There, a child grows up under the ever-present attention of his parents; therefore the jungles and the savages know of no "juvenile delinquency". No necessity of making a living away from home results in neglect of children, and no father is confronted with his inability to ""buy" an education for his child.

单选题The first two paragraphs suggest that

单选题 College sports in the United States are a huge deal. Almost all major American universities have football, baseball, basketball and hockey programs, and{{U}} (1) {{/U}}millions of dollars each year to sports. Most of them earn millions{{U}} (2) {{/U}}as well, in television revenues, sponsorships. They also benefit{{U}} (3) {{/U}}from the added publicity they get via their teams. Big-name universities{{U}} (4) {{/U}}each other in the most popular sports. Football games at Michigan regularly{{U}} (5) {{/U}}crowds of over 20, 000. Basketball’s national collegiate championship game is a TV{{U}} (6) {{/U}}on a par with any other sporting event in the United States,{{U}} (7) {{/U}}perhaps the Super Bowl itself. At any given time during fall or winter one can{{U}} (8) {{/U}}one’s TV set and see the top athletic programs — from schools like Michigan, UCLA, Duke and Stanford —{{U}} (9) {{/U}}in front of packed houses and national TV audiences. The athletes themselves are{{U}} (10) {{/U}}and provided with scholarships. College coaches identify{{U}} (11) {{/U}}teenagers and then go into high schools to{{U}} (12) {{/U}}the country’s best players to attend their universities. There are strict rules about{{U}} (13) {{/U}}coaches can recruit — no recruiting calls after 9 p. m., only one official visit to a campus — but they are often bent and sometimes{{U}} (14) {{/U}}. Top college football programs{{U}} (15) {{/U}}scholarships to 20 or 30 players each year, and those student-athletes, when they arrive{{U}} (16) {{/U}}campus, receive free housing, tuition, meals, books, etc. In return, the players{{U}} (17) {{/U}}the program in their sport. Football players at top colleges{{U}} (18) {{/U}}two hours a day, four days a week from January to April. In summer, it’s back to strength and agility training four days a week until mid-August, when camp{{U}} (19) {{/U}}and preparation for the opening of the September-to-December season begins{{U}} (20) {{/U}}. During the season, practices last two or three hours a day from Tuesday to Friday. Saturday is game day. Mondays are an officially mandated day of rest.

单选题{{B}}Part A{{/B}}{{B}}Directions:{{/B}} Read the following four texts. Answer the questions below each text by choosing A, B, C or D. Mark your answers on ANSWER SHEET 1.{{B}}Text 1{{/B}} In most parts of the world, climate change is a worrying subject. Not so in California. At a recent gathering of green luminaries—in a film star's house, naturally, for that is how seriousness is often established in Los Angeles—the dominant note was self-satisfaction at what the state has already achieved. And perhaps nobody is more complacent than Arnold Schwarzenegger. Unlike A1 Gore, a presidential candidate turned prophet of environmental doom, California's governor sounds cheerful when talking about climate change. As well he might: it has made his political career. Although California has long been an environmentally-conscious state, until recently greens were concerned above all with smog and redwood trees. "Coast of Dreams", Kevin Stag's authoritative history of contemporary California, published in 2004, does not mention climate change. In that year, though, the newly-elected Mr. Schwarzenegger made his first tentative call for western states to seek alternatives to fossil fuels. Gradually he noticed that his efforts to tackle climate change met with less resistance, and more acclaim, than just about all his other policies. These days it can seem as though he works on nothing else. Mr. Schwarzenegger's transformation from screen warrior to eco-warrior was completed last year when he signed a bill imposing legally-enforceable limits on greenhouse—gas emissions—a first for America. Thanks mostly to its lack of coal and heavy industry, California is a relatively clean state. If it were a country it would be the world's eighth-biggest economy, but only its 16th-biggest polluter. Its big problem is transport—meaning, mostly, cars and trucks, which account for more than 40% of its greenhouse-gas emissions compared with 32% in America as a whole. The state wants to ratchet down emissions limits on new vehicles, beginning in 2009. Mr. Schwarzenegger has also ordered that, by 2020, vehicle fuel must produce 10% less carbon: in the production as well as the burning, so a simple switch to corn-based ethanol is probably out. Thanks in part to California' s example, most of the western states have adopted climate action plans. When it comes to setting emission targets, the scene can resemble a posedown at a Mr. Olympia contest. Arizona's climate-change scholars decided to set a target of cutting the state's emissions to 2000 levels by 2020. But Janet Napolitano, the governor, was determined not to be out-muscled by California. She has declared that Arizona will try to return to 2000 emission levels by 2012. California has not just inspired other states; it has created a vanguard that ought to be able to prod the federal government into stronger national standards than it would otherwise consider. But California is finding it easier to export its policies than to put them into practice at home. In one way, California' s self-confidence is fully justified. It has done more than any other state—let alone the federal government—to fix America's attention on climate change. It has also made it seem as though the problem can be solved. Which is why failure would be such bad news. At the moment California is a beacon to other states. If it fails, it will become an excuse for inaction.

单选题What is many captive shippers' attitude towards the consolidation in the rail industry? ______.

单选题The case of Mrs Sickles' unfortunate story is mentioned to illustrate

单选题The available statistics are employed to illustrate

单选题With the Internet fast becoming the most important communications channel, it is untenable for the United States not to have a regulator to ensure nondiscriminatory access, guarantee interconnectivity among rival networks and protect consumers from potential abuse. Yet that's exactly where the United States Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit left us all when it said this month that the Federal Communications Commission didn't have the authority to regulate the Internet—and specifically, could not force the cable giant Comcast to stop blocking peer-to-peer sites. The decision, in the words of the F. C. C.'s general counsel, Austin Schlick, undermines the agency's ability to serve as "the cop on the beat for 21st-century communications networks." It also puts at risk big chunks of the F. C. C.'s strategy for increasing the reach of broadband Internet to all corners of the country and fostering more competition among providers. Chairman Julius Genachowski said the commission is not planning to appeal the decision, and is studying its options. The F. C. C. could try to forge ahead with its broadband plan despite the court's decision. Or Congress could give the F. C.C. specific authority to regulate broadband access. But the court tightly circumscribed the F. C. C.'s actions. And with Republicans determined to oppose pretty much anything the administration wants, the odds of a rational debate on the issues are slim. Fortunately, the commission has the tools to fix this problem. It can reverse the Bush administration's predictably antiregulatory decision to define broadband Internet access as an information service, like Google or Amazon, over which it has little regulatory power. Instead, it can define broadband as a communications service, like a phone company, over which the commission has indisputable authority. The F. C. C. at the time argued that a light regulatory touch would foster alternative technologies and aggressive competition among providers. It assumed that the Internet of the future would be dominated by companies like AOL that bundle access with other services, justifying its conflation of access and information. And it claimed that it could still regulate broadband access even if it was classified as a service. All it had to do was convince the courts that it was necessary to further other statutory goals, like promoting the roll-out of competitive Internet services. This legal argument did not hold up. Any move now by the F. C. C. to redefine broadband would surely unleash a torrent of lawsuits by broadband providers, but the commission has solid legal grounds to do that. To begin with, the three arguments advanced by the F. C.C. during the Bush years have proved wrong. Rather than seeing an explosion of new competition, the broadband access business has consolidated to the point that many areas of the country have only one provider. Broadband Internet has unbundled into a business with many unrelated information service providers vying for space on the pipelines of a few providers. And most persuasively: broadband access is probably the most important communications service of our time. One that needs a robust regulator.