Directions: Write an essay of 160—200 words based on the following picture. In your essay

Along with red letterboxes and telephone booths

A. Plan for the Financial Transition B. Examine Your Investment Portfolio C

When do people decide whether or not they want to become friends? During their first four minutes to

Directions: Write a letter to your friend Steven

Death comes to all

Directions: Write an essay of 160-200 words based on the following drawing. In your essay

Teach for America (TFA) was founded by Wendy Kopp in 1990. It is a non-profit organization that. recruits top-notch graduates from elite institutions and gets them to teach for two years in struggling state schools in poor areas. I had thought the programme was about getting more high-quality teachers—but that, it appears, is a secondary benefit. "This is about enlisting the energy of our country's future leaders in its long-term educational needs, and eliminating inequity," Wendy explains. It's great if "corps members", as TFA calls its active teachers, stay in the classroom—and many do, and rise quickly through the ranks. But the "alums", as she calls those who have finished their two-year teaching, who don't stay in schools, often go on to lead in other fields, meaning that increasing numbers of influential people in all walks of life learn that it is possible to teach successfully in low-income communities, and just what it takes. "It means you realise that we can solve this problem. " As she continues to talk I realise that TFA is—in the best possible sense—a cult. It has its own language ("corps members", "alums"), recruits are instilled ("We tell them that it can be done, that we know of hundreds, thousands, of teachers attaining tremendous success"), go through an ordeal ("Everyone hits the wall in week three in the classroom"), emerge transformed by privileged knowledge ("Once you know what we know—that kids in poor urban areas can excel—you can accomplish different things") and can never leave (alumni form a growing, and influential, network). I have not seen the same zeal when talking to those on the equivalent programme in England, Teach First, in which the missionary-style language imported from America had to be toned down, because it just didn't suit the restrained English style. But could that fervour be necessary for its success? Chester, an alum, takes me to visit three TFA corps members at a middle school in the Bronx. They are impressive young people, and their zeal is evident. Two intend to stay in teaching; both want to open charter schools. One, a Hispanic woman, is working out with a friend how to educate migrant Hispanic labourers in Texas; the other would like to open a "green" charter, but in the meantime he has accepted a job with the KIPP charter group in Newark, New Jersey. All three are tired. Their classrooms are not much like the rest of the school where they work, and their heroic efforts are only supported by Chester and each other, not by their co-workers. "The first year was unbelievably bad," one tells me. "So many years with low expectations meant a lot of resistance from the kids. Eventually they saw the. power and the growth they were capable of. " The primary goal of TFA is ______.

People do not analyze every problem they meet

Directions: Study the following picture carefully and write an essay in which should: 1) Describe

When the Federal Communications Commission proposed giving low-power radio stations licenses on the FM dial, they knew they'd get flak from big broadcasting. The National Association of Broadcasters (NAB), after all, spends millions of dollars every year lobbying to keep everybody else off the radio spectrum-even locally managed, noncommercial stations that broadcast only within a four-mile radius. Sure enough, when the FCC proposed its new regulations, the NAB began screaming about all the terrible things those tiny radio transmitters could do to the big ones, whose signals are 500 times as strong and whose reach is nearly 20 times as far. It was a pretty thin argument. So thin, in fact, that for a while it appeared the proposed regulations might survive the lobbying onslaught. And then the FCC and its allies ran into a most unlikely opponent, one with the moral authority to do real damage to their cause: National Public Radio. One might easily assume that NPR would look out for the public interest. After all, NPR was born from the Public Broadcasting Act of 1967, which called for it to "encourage the development of programming that involves creative risks and that addresses the needs of unserved and underserved audiences" while creating "programs of high quality, diversity, creativity, excellence, and innovation which are obtained from diverse sources." The charter, in other words, describes exactly the kind of programming low-power radio might provide, particularly in rural or heavily immigrant communities where locally oriented programming could be more useful than nationally syndicated shows. But the well-meaning lefties at NPR didn't see low-power radio as a potential ally or kindred spirit. They saw it just as the big broadcasters did—as a threat—and tried to squash it in much the same way. They may have succeeded. NPR's lobbying supported a last-minute rider in December's Senate appropriations bill (which eventually became law). This amendment severely handicaps the low-power radio initiative. Specifically, it limits the licensing of low-power radio to just nine test markets, enforcing restrictions that effectively keep it out of urban areas and other major markets. It also mandates testing to determine the economic impact on established broadcasters. And, though John McCain has vowed to continue the fight for low power, for now at least NPR has won the day. The primary motivation behind opening the airwaves to low-power radio was to undo the damage wrought by the em>Telecommunications Act of/em> 1996. That law was supposed to increase competition on the airwaves. Instead, it consolidated control of radio stations in the hands of a few large, national companies that syndicate programs (or even whole broadcasts) to their affiliates, thus squeezing out local programming. By allowing small, noncommercial stations, to break into the spectrum, the FCC hoped to reintroduce local material in places where it has all but vanished. In its application process, the FCC privileged local content and community involvement—for example, assigning spectrum space to stations in primarily Latino areas that broadcast family-planning information in Spanish. Part of the application asked aspiring broadcasters how their stations would serve their neighborhoods. Which of the following is true according to Paragraph 1?

The United States is widely recognized to have a private economy because privately owned business play 1 roles. The American free enterprise system 2 private ownership more than public sectors. Private businesses produce 3 goods and services, 4 almost two-thirds of the nation's total economic output goes to 5 for personal use. The consumer role is 6 great, in fact, that the nation is sometimes characterized as having a " 7 economy". This emphasis 8 private ownership arises, 9 , from American beliefs about personal freedom. From the time the nation was 10 , Americans have 11 excessive government power, and they have sought to 12 government's authority over individuals—including its role in the economic realm. 13 Americans generally believe that an economy largely with private ownership is likely to operate more 14 than 15 with substantial government ownership. When economic forces are unfettered, Americans believe, supply and demand 16 the prices of goods and services. Prices, in turn, tell businesses what to produce; if people want more of particular goods than the economy is producing, the price of the goods 17 . That catches the attention of new or other companies that, 18 an opportunity to earn profits, start producing more 19 that goods. On the other hand, if people want less of the goods, prices fall and less competitive producers either go out of business or start producing 20 goods.

Have you ever thought about what happens to your employees right before they get to work? Sometimes

One of the silliest things in our recent history was the use of "Victorian" as a term of contempt or abuse. It had been made fashionable by Lytton Strachey with his clever, superficial and ultimately empty book em>Eminent Victorians/em>, in which he damned with faint praise such Victorian heroes as General Gordon and Florence Nightingale. Strachey's demolition job was clever because it ridiculed the Victorians for exactly those qualities on which they prided themselves—their high mindedness, their marked moral intensity, their desire to improve the human condition and their confidence that they had done so. However, before the 100th anniversary of the death of Queen Victoria this year, that there were signs these sneering attitudes were beginning to change. Programmes on radio and television about Victoria and the age that was named after her managed to humble themselves only about half the time. People were beginning to realize that there was something heroic about that epoch and, perhaps, to fear that the Victorian age was the last age of greatness for this country. Now a new book, em>What The Victorians Did For Us/em>, aims further to redress the balance and remind us that, in most essentials, our own age is really an extension of what the Victorians created. You can start with the list of Victorian inventions. They were great lovers of gadgets from the smallest domestic ones to new ways of propelling ships throughout the far-flung Empire. In medicine, an anaesthesia (developed both here and in America) allowed surgeons much greater time in which to operate—and hence to work on the inner organs of the body—not to mention reducing the level of pain and fear of patients. To the Victorians we also owe lawn tennis, a nationwide football association under the modem rules, powered funfair rides, and theatres offering mass entertainment. And, of course, the modern seaside is almost entirely a Victorian invention. There is, of course, a darker side to the Victorian period. Everyone knows about it mostly because the Victorians catalogued it themselves. Henry Mayhew's wonderful set of volumes on the lives of the London poor, and official reports on prostitution, on the workhouses and on child labour—reports and their statistics that were used by Marx when he wrote Das em>Kapital/em>—testify to the social conscience that was at the center of "Victorian values" But now, surely, we can appreciate the Victorian achievement for what it was—the creation of the modern world. And when we compare the age of Tennyson and Darwin, of John Henry Newman and Carlyle, with our own, the only sensible reaction is one of humility: "We are our father's shadows cast at noon". According to the author, Lytton Strachey's book em>Eminent Victorians/em> ______.

In Japan

As long as her parents can remember

Fields across Europe are contaminated with dangerous levels of the antibiotics given to farm animals

In 2010

Directions: Your university president is going to cancel school buses

Economics, as we know it, is the social science concerned with the production, distribution