单选题In the idealized version of how science is done, facts about the world are waiting to be observed and collected by objective researchers who use the scientific method to carry out their work. But in the everyday practice of science, discovery frequently follows an ambiguous and complicated route. We aim to be objective, but we cannot escape the context of our unique life experiences. Prior knowledge and interest influence what we experience, what we think our experiences mean, and the subsequent actions we take. Opportunities for misinterpretation, error, and self-deception abound. Consequently, discovery claims should be thought of as protoscience. Similar to newly staked mining claims, they are full of potential. But it takes collective scrutiny and acceptance to transform a discovery claim into a mature discovery. This is the credibility process, through which the individual researcher"s me, here, now becomes the community"s anyone, anywhere, anytime. Objective knowledge is the goal, not the starting point. Once a discovery claim becomes public, the discoverer receives intellectual credit. But, unlike with mining claims, the community takes control of what happens next. Within the complex social structure of the scientific community, researchers make discoveries; editors and reviewers act as gatekeepers by controlling the publication process; other scientists use the new finding to suit their own purposes; and finally, the public (including other scientists) receives the new discovery and possibly accompanying technology. As a discovery claim works its way through the community, the interaction and confrontation between shared and competing beliefs about the science and the technology involved transforms an individual"s discovery claim into the community"s credible discovery. Two paradoxes exist throughout this credibility process. First, scientific work tends to focus on some aspect of prevailing knowledge that is viewed as incomplete or incorrect. Little reward accompanies duplication and confirmation of what is already known and believed. The goal is new-search, not re-search. Not surprisingly, newly published discovery claims and credible discoveries that appear to be important and convincing will always be open to challenge and potential modification or refutation by future researchers. Second, novelty itself frequently provokes disbelief. Nobel Laureate and physiologist Albert Szent-Gy ? rgyi once described discovery as "seeing what everybody has seen and thinking what nobody has thought." But thinking what nobody else has thought and telling others what they have missed may not change their views. Sometimes years are required for truly novel discovery claims to be accepted and appreciated. In the end, credibility "happens" to a discovery claim—a process that corresponds to what philosopher Annette Baier has described as the commons of the mind. "We reason together, challenge, revise, and complete each other"s reasoning and each other"s conceptions of reason."

单选题It is easy to see why forgiveness is typically regarded as a virtue. Forgiveness is not always a virtue, however. Indeed, if I am correct in linking resentment to self-respect, a too ready tendency to forgive may properly be regarded as a vice because it may be a sign that one lacks respect for oneself. Forgiveness may indeed restore relationships, but to seek restoration at all cost--even at the cost of one's very human dignity--can hardly be a virtue. And, in intimate relationships, it can hardly be true love or friendship either the kind of love and friendship that Aristotle claimed is an essential art of the human life. If I count morality as much as anyone else (as surely I do), a failure to resent moral injuries done to me is a failure to care about the moral value in my own person (that I am, in Kantian language, an end in myself) and thus a failure to care about the very rules of morality. To put the point in yet another way: If it is proper to feel indignation when I see third parties morally wronged, must it not be equally proper to feel resentment when I experience the wrong done to myself? Morality is not simply something to be believed: it is something to be cared about. This caring includes concern about those persons (including oneself) who are the proper objects of moral attention. Interestingly enough, a readiness to forgive--or even a refusal to display resentment initially--may reveal a lack of respect not just for oneself by for others as well. The Nietzschean view, for example, is sometimes portrayed like this: There is no need for forgiveness because a strong person will never feel resentment in the first place. Why? Because he is not so weak as to think that other people--even those who harm him--matter enough to have any impact on his self-respect. We do not resent the insect that stings us (we simply deal with it), and neither should we resent the human who wrongs us. Although there is something attractive and worth discussing about this view, most of us would probably want to reject it as too demeaning of other human beings and our moral relations with them. I shall thus for the present assume the following: that forgiveness is acceptable only in cases where it is consistent with self-respect, respect for others as responsible moral agents, and allegiance to the rules of morality, that is, forgiveness must not involve complicity or acquiescence (默认) in wrongdoings.

单选题The author's presentation of Atlantans' car-dependence is meant

单选题It might take only the touch of peach fuzz to make an autistic child howl in pain. The odour of the fruit could be so Overpowering that he gags. For reasons that are not well understood, people with autism do not integrate all of their senses in ways that help them understand properly what they are experiencing. By the age of three, the signs of autism-- infrequent eye contact, over-sensitivity or under-sensitivity to the environment, difficulty mixing with others are in full force. There is no cure; intense behavioural therapies serve only to lessen the symptoms. The origins of autism are obscure. But a paper in Brain, a specialist journal, casts some light. A team headed by Marcel Just, of Carnegie Mellon University, and Nancy Minshew, of the University of Pittsburgh, has found evidence of how the brains of people with autism function differently from those without the disorder. Using a brain-scanning technique called functional magnetic-resonance imaging (FMRI), Dr. Just, Dr. Minshew and their team compared the brain activity of young adults who had "high functioning" autism (in which an autist's IQ score is normal) with that of non-autistic participants. The experiment was designed to examine two regions of the brain known to be associated with language--Broca's area and Wernicke's area--when the participants were reading. Three differences emerged. First, Wernicke's area, the part responsible for understanding individual words, was more active in autists than non-autists. Second, Broca's area--where the components of language are integrated to produce meaning--was less active. Third, the activity of the two areas was less synchronised. This research has led Dr. Just to offer an explanation for autism, lie calls it "undereonnectivity theory". It depends on a recent body of work which suggests that the brain's white matter (the wiring that connects the main Bodies of the nerve ceils, or grey matter, together) is less dense and less abundant in the brain of an autistic person than in that of a non-autist. Dr. Just suggests that abnormal white matter causes the grey matter to adapt to the resulting lack of communication. This hones some regions to levels of superior ability, while others fall by the wayside. The team chose to examine Broca's and Wernieke's areas because language-based experiments are easy to conduct. But if the underconnectivity theory applies to. the rest of the brain, too, it would be less of a mystery why some people with autism are hypersensitive to their environments, and others are able to do certain tasks, such as arithmetic, so well. And if it is true that underconnectivity is indeed the main problem, then treatments might be developed to stimulate the growth of the white-matter wiring.

单选题The passage mainly discusses the problem that ______.

单选题The word "contingency" (Line 1, Paragraph 9) can be best replaced by

单选题Bruce Robertson and his colleagues have been studying on

单选题If the author's assessment of the use of heat pumps is correct, which of the following best expresses the lesson that advertisers should learn from this case?______

单选题Addiction is such a harmful behavior, in fact, that evolution should have long ago weeded it out of the population: if it's hard to drive safely under the influence, imagine trying to run from a saber-toothed tiger or catch a squirrel for lunch. And yet, says Dr. Nora Volkow, director of NIDA and a pioneer in the use of imaging to understand addiction, "the use of drugs has been recorded since the beginning of civilization. Humans in my view will always want to experiment with things to make them feel good." That's because drugs of abuse co-opt the very brain functions that allowed our distant ancestors to survive in a hostile world. Our minds are programmed to pay extra attention to what neurologists call salience—that is, special relevance. Threats, for example, are highly salient, which is why we instinctively try to get away from them. But so are food and sex because they help the individual and the species survive. Drugs of abuse capitalize on this ready-made programming. When exposed to drugs, our memory systems, reward circuits, decision making skills and conditioning kick in—salience in overdrive—to create an all consuming pattern of uncontrollable craving. "Some people have a genetic predisposition to addiction," says Volkow. "But because it involves these basic brain functions, everyone will become an addict if sufficiently exposed to drugs or alcohol." That can go for nonchemical addictions as well. Behaviors, from gambling to shopping to sex, may start out as habits but slide into addictions. Sometimes there might be a behavior-specific root of the problem. Volkow's research group, for example, has shown that pathologically obese people who are compulsive eaters exhibit hyperactivity in the areas of the brain that process food stimuli—including the mouth, lips and tongue. For them, activating these regions is like opening the floodgates to the pleasure center. Almost anything deeply enjoyable can turn into an addiction, though. Of course, not everyone becomes an addict. That's because we have other, more analytical regions that can evaluate consequences and override mere pleasure seeking. Brain imaging is showing exactly how that happens. Paulus, for example, looked at drug addicts enrolled in a VA hospital's intensive four-week rehabilitation program. Those who were more likely to relapse in the first year after completing the program were also less able to complete tasks involving cognitive skills and less able to adjust to new rules quickly. This suggested that those patients might also be less adept at using analytical areas of the brain while performing decision-making tasks. Sure enough, brain scans showed that there were reduced levels of activation in the prefrontal cortex, where rational thought can override impulsive behavior. It's impossible to say if the drugs might have damaged these abilities in the relapsers an effect rather than a cause of the chemical abuse—but the fact that the cognitive deficit existed in only some of the drug users suggests that there was something innate that was unique to them. To his surprise, Paulus found that 80% to 90% of the time, he could accurately predict: who would relapse within a year simply by examining the scans. Another area of focus for researchers involves the brain's reward system, powered largely by the neurotransmitter dopamine. Investigators are looking specifically at the family of dopamine receptors that populate nerve cells and bind to the compound. The hope is that if you can reduce the effect of the brain chemical that carries the pleasurable signal, you can loosen the drug's hold.

单选题At work, as in life, attractive women get a lot of good lucks. Studies have shown that they are more likely to be (1) than their plain-Jane colleagues because people tend to project (2) traits (3) them, such as a sensitive heart and a cool head, they may also be at an (4) in job interviews. But research suggests otherwise. Brad Hanks at Georgia State University looked at what happens when job hunters include photos with their resume, as is the (5) in much of Europe and Asia. The pair sent made-up applications to over 2, 500 real-life (6) . For each job, they sent two very similar resume, one with a photo, one without. Subjects had previously been graded for their attractiveness. For men, the results were (7) expected. Hunks were more likely to be called for an interview if they included a photo. Ugly men were better off not including one. However, for women this was (8) . Attractive females were less likely to be offered an interview if they included a mugs hot. When applying directly to a company (rather than through an agency) an attractive woman would need to send out 11 CVs on average (9) getting an interview; an (10) qualified plain one just seven. At first, Mr. Hanks considered (11) he calls the "dumb-blonde hypothesis" that people (12) beautiful women to be stupid. (13) , the photos had also been rated on how (14) people thought each subject looked; there was no (15) between perceived intellect and beauty. So the cause of the discrimination must (16) elsewhere. Human resources departments tend to be (17) mostly by women. Indeed, in the Israeli study, 93% of those tasked with selecting whom to invite for an interview were female. The researchers' unavoidable—and unpalatable—conclusion is that old-fashioned (18) led the women to discriminate (19) pretty candidates. So should attractive women simply attach photos that make them look dowdy? No. Better, says Mr. Ruffle, to discourage the practice of including a photo altogether. Companies might even consider the (20) model used in the Belgian public sector, where CVs do not even include the candidate's name.

单选题Technological development has historically been a powerful driver of globalization, especially over the past two centuries. In agriculture, in particular, technical change underpinned the industrial revolution, improvements in nutrition, and a surge in world population. Interactions between population increases and technical changes in agriculture and industry, mostly since the nineteenth century, converged to expand trade and flows of finance and labor. These have been the essence of globalization. The integration of the world economy would have been impossible without the technological developments in agriculture that proved wrong predictions of the inevitability of world famine. Technology further supported significant improvements in world food production and food security. Although substantial numbers of people are still food insecure, this is due not to lack of overall production but is related to the location of production, income levels, and access to food by countries, households, and individuals living on the edge of subsistence. Since the 1960s, growth in world food supplies outpaced even the unprecedented increases in food demand caused by jumps in incomes and the doubling and redoubling of population. Moreover, additional production came from virtually the same cropland base. 1.4 billion hectares of land was planted to crops in 1961 compared with the 1.5 billion hectares that in 1998 yielded twice the amount of grain and oilseeds. Food prices too have declined to their lowest levels in history. Consumers are able to eat better while spending less and less of their budgets on food, diversifying demand for other goods and services. Changes in demand have spurred countries' specialization in production, fueling world trade and investment flows. The currently favorable dynamic balance between overall food supply and demand was not inevitable, however. Nor should it be taken for granted that the balance will persist without public intervention. Progress in the past century resulted from successful interaction between farmers, input suppliers, and a publicly supported research and extension system that furnished innovations and knowledge to the world for free. Little land now remains on which to expand agricultural production, so crop and livestock yields must continue to increase for the next several decades. Production must be sustained, at these much higher levels, for the foreseeable future in the face of environmental, biological, and other factors that may undermine past gains. Thus, continued strong performance in research and innovation is essential to maintain favorable food balances over the next half century.

单选题If a child meets some difficulties in the process of reaching his goal, he may

单选题Gehman believed that had its administrators known the damage to Columbia, NASA would______.

单选题The Californian coastline north and south of Silicon Valley is a trend-setting sort of place. Increasingly, the home interiors of the well-heeled there tend toward one of two (1) . Houses are (2) light flooded, sparse and vaguely Asian in (3) , with perhaps a Zen fountain in one corner, a Yoga area in another. Or they resemble electronic control rooms with all sorts of (4) , computers, routers, antennae, screens and remote controls. Occasionally, both elements are (5) . "She" may have the living room and'public areas, (6) "he" is banished with his toys up or down the stairs. Currently, the gadget lovers have powerful allies. Many of the largest companies in the consumer-electronics, computer, telecoms and internet industries have made a strategic decision to (7) visions of a "digital home", "eHome", or "connected home". Doubting that (8) from corporate customers will ever (9) to the boom levels of the late 1990s, Microsoft, Intel, Sony, Verizon, Comcast, Hewlett-Packard, Apple and others see the consumer (10) their best chance for growth and will be throwing a bewildering (11) of home "solutions" at (12) in the coming months and years. To understand what the (13) ultimately have in (14) it is best to visit the (15) homes that most have built on their campuses or at trade shows. (16) cosy and often intimidating, these feature flat screens almost everywhere, (17) electronic picture frames in the bedroom from the large TV-substitute in the living room. Every (18) has a microchip and can be (19) to, typed into or clicked onto. Everything is (20) to a central computer through wireless links.