单选题"What About the Men?" was the title of a Congressional briefing last week timed to 1 National Work and Family Month. "What about them ?" you may be 2 to yell. When Ellen Galinsky, president of the Families and Work Institute, first went out on the road to talk about her organization"s research into men"s work-family 3 , she received many such grumpy responses. Work-life experts laughed at her. Men are 4 , they said. They don"t have the right to complain. That was in 2008, before the Great Recession had hit. And this year, when Galinsky went out on the road again to talk about the results of a new study on male work-life conflict, she got a very 5 response. Some men became very 6 . They felt they didn"t have permission to feel 7 . ""This is what I think about each and every day, " " she recalled another man telling her. " " I didn"t realize that anyone else did, " " he said. "He thought he was alone, " Galinsky told me. 8 men are 9 work-family conflict isn"t new. Indeed, it"s been some time now that they—and younger men in particular—have been complaining of feeling the 10 in even greater numbers of women. Failure, 11 , uncertainty, the 12 that comes from spending a lifetime playing one game 13 , mid-way through, that the rules have suddenly changed, seem to have 14 the old categories of self, work and meaning for many men. Is this a bad thing? I"d rather see it as a moment ripe 15 possibility. "A new beginning, " said Ellen Galinsky. After all, what men are starting to say sounds an awful lot like the conversational stirrings that 16 the way for the modern women"s movement. For some years now, sociologists have been tracking the patterns of what they call 17 in men and women"s lives. Mostly, when we think of this, we tend to focus 18 how they live, what they do, spend their time, whether they do or do not empty the dishwasher or care for their children. But what about how they feel? Now that this final frontier is being breached, I wonder if we aren"t fully prepared to see more meaningful change in men"s—and women"s and families " —lives than ever before. That is: if we can 19 the change and act 20 it with courage, not fear.

单选题Sometimes the biggest changes in society are the hardest to spot precisely because they are hiding in plain sight. It could well be that way with wireless communications. Something that people think of as just another technology is beginning to show signs of changing lives, culture, politics, cities, jobs, even marriages dramatically. In particular, it will usher in a new version of a very old idea: nomadism. Futurology is a dangerous business, and it is true that most of the important arguments about mobile communications at the moment are to do with technology or regulation—bandwidth, spectrum use and so on. Yet it is worth jumping ahead and wondering what the social effects will be, for two reasons. First, the broad technological future is pretty clear: there will be ever faster cellular networks, and many more gadgets to connect to these networks. Second, the social changes are already visible: parents on beaches waving at their children while typing furtively on their BlackBerrys; entrepreneurs discovering they don't need offices after all. Everybody is doing more on the move. Wireless technology is surely not just an easier-to-use phone. The car divided cities into work and home areas; wireless technology may mix them up again, with more people working in suburbs or living in city centers. Traffic patterns are beginning to change again: the rush hours at 9am and 5pm are giving way to more varied patterns, with people going backwards and forwards between the office, home and all sorts of other places throughout the day. Already, architects are redesigning offices and universities, more flexible spaces for meeting people, fewer private enclosures for sedentary work. Will it be a better life? In some ways, yes. Digital nomadism will liberate ever more knowledge workers from the cubicle prisons as depicted in Mr. Dilbert's cartoons. But the old tyranny of place could become a new tyranny of time, as nomads who are "always on" all too often end up— mentally—anywhere but here. As for friends and family, permanent mobile connectivity could have the same effect as nomadism: it might bring you much closer to family and friends, but it may make it harder to bring in outsiders. Sociologists fret about constant e-mailers and texters losing the everyday connections to casual acquaintances or strangers sitting next to them in the cafe or on the Bus. The same tools have another dark side, turning everybody into a fully equipped paparazzo. Some fitness clubs have started banning mobile phones near the treadmills and showers lest exercising people find themselves pictured, flabby and sweaty, on some website. As in the desert, so in the city: nomadism promises the heaven of new freedom, but it also signals the hell of constant surveillance by the tribe.

单选题Suggestions have been raised on the issue of INS except ______.

单选题Until recently, the main villains of the piece had seemed to be the teachers" unions, who have opposed any sort of reform or accountability. Now they face competition from an unexpectedly destructive force: the court. Fifty years ago, it was the judges who forced the schools to desegregate through Brown v. Board of Education (1954). Now the courts have moved from broad principles to micromanagement, telling schools how much money to spend and where - right down to the correct computer or textbook. Twenty four states are currently Stuck in various court cases to do with financing school systems, and another 21 have only recently settled various suits. Most will start again soon. Only five states have avoided litigation entirely. Nothing exemplifies the power of the courts better than an 11-year-old case that is due to be settled (sort of) in New York City, the home of America"s biggest school system with 1. lm students and a budget nearing $13 billion. At the end of this month, three elderly members of the New York bar serving as judicial referees are due to rule in a case brought By the Campaign for Fiscal Equity, a leftish advocacy group, against the state of New York: they will decide how much more must Be spent to provide every New York City pupil with a "sound basic" education. Rare is the politician willing to argue that more money for schools is a bad thing. But are the courts doing any good? Two suspicions arise. First, judges are making a lazy assumption that more money means better schools. As the international results show, the link between "inputs" and "outputs" is vague--something well documented by, among others, the late Senator Daniel Patrick Moynihan of New York. Second, the courts are muddling an already muddled system. Over time, they have generally made it harder to get rid of disruptive pupils and bad teachers. The current case could be even worse. The courts have already said that, in order to determine the necessary spending, they may consider everything from class size to the availability of computers, textbooks and even pencils. This degree of intervention is all the more scandalous because the courts have weirdly decided to ignore another set of "inputs"--the archaic work practices of school teachers and janitors. David Schoenbrod and Ross Sandier of New York Law School reckon the demands of the court will simply undermine reform and transform an expensive failure into a more expensive one. And of course, the litigation never ends. Kentucky, for example, is still in court 16 years after the first decision. A lawsuit first filed against New Jersey for its funding of schools in 1981 was "decided" four years later--but it has returned to the court nine times since, including early this year, with each decision pushing the court deeper into the management of the state"s schools. Bad iudges are even harder to boot out of school than bad pupils.

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单选题In order to understand, however imperfectly, what is meant by "face", we must take (1) of the fact that, as a race, the Chinese have a strongly (2) instinct. The theatre may almost be said to be the only national amusement, and the Chinese have for theatricals a (3) like that of the Englishman (4) athletics, or the Spaniard for bull-fights. Upon very slight provocation, any Chinese regards himself in the (5) of an actor in a drama. He throws himself into theatrical attitudes, performs the salaam, falls upon his knees, prostrates himself and strikes his head upon the earth, (6) circumstances which to an Occidental seem to make such actions superfluous, (7) to say ridiculous. A Chinese thinks in theatrical terms. When roused in self-defense he addresses two or three persons as if they were a multitude. He exclaims: "I say this in the presence of You, and You, and You, who are all here present. " If his troubles are adjusted he (8) of himself as having "got off the stage" with credit, and if they are not adjusted he finds no way to "retire from the stage". All this, (9) it clearly understood, has nothing to do with realities. The question is never of facts, but always of (10) . If a fine speech has been (11) at the proper time and in the proper way, the requirement of the play is met. We are not to go behind the scenes, for that would (12) all the plays in the world. Properly to execute acts like these in all the complex relations of life, is to have "face". To fail them, to ignore them, to be thwarted in the performance of them, this is to " (13) face". Once rightly apprehended, "face" will be found to be in itself a (14) to the combination lock of many of the most important characteristics of the Chinese. It should be added that the principles which regulate "face" and its attainment are often wholly (15) the intellectual apprehension of the Occidental, who is constantly forgetting the theatrical element, and wandering (16) into the irrelevant regions of fact. To him it often seems that Chinese "face" is not unlike the South Sea Island taboo, a force of undeniable potency, but capricious, and not reducible to rule, deserving only to be abolished and replaced by common sense. At this point Chinese and Occidentals must agree to (17) , for they can never be brought to view the same things in the same light. In the adjustment of the incessant quarrels which distract every hamlet, it is necessary for the "peace-talkers" to take a careful account of the (18) of "face" as European statesmen once did of the balance of power. The object in such cases is not the execution of even-handed justice, which, even if theoretically desirable, seldom (19) to an Oriental as a possibility, but such an arrangement as will distribute to all concerned "face" in due proportions. The same principle often applies in the settlement of lawsuits, a very large percentage of which end in what may be called a (20) game.

单选题Violent criminals with something to hide have more reason than ever to be paranoid about a tap on the shoulder which could send them to jail. Queensland police are working through a backlog of unsolved murders with some dramatic success. Greater cooperation between the public and various law enforcement agencies is playing a role, but new genetic-testing techniques are the real key to providing the vital evidence to mount a prosecution. Evidence left behind at the scene of any murder is guaranteed to outlive the person who left it. A blood, saliva or tissue sample the size of a pin, kept dry and out of sunlight, will last several thousand years. From it, scientific analysis now can tell accurately the sex of the person who left it. When matched against a sample from a crime suspect, it can indicate with million-to-one certainty whether the samples come from the same source. Only twins share identical DNA. So precise is the technology if the biological parents of a suspect agree to provide a sample, forensic scientists can work out the rest for themselves without cooperation from the suspect. Queensland forensic scientists have been using the DNA testing technology since 1992, and last year they were recognized internationally for their competence in positive individual identification. That is part of the reason 20 of Queensland's most puzzling unsolved murders dating to 1952 are being actively investigated. There also have been several recent arrests for unsolved murders. Forensic evidence was instrumental in charges being laid over the bashing death of waitress Tasha Douty on Brampton Island in 1983. Douty's blood-splattered, naked body was found on a nude sunbathing beach at Dinghy Bay on the island. Footprints in the sand indicated that the killer had grappled with the 41-year-old mother who had fled up the beach before being caught and beaten to death. According to Leo Freney, the supervising forensic scientist at the John Tonge Centre at Brisbane's Griffith University, DNA testing has become an invaluable tool for police. Its use is in identifying and rejecting suspects. In fact, he says, it eliminates more people that it convicts. "It is easily as good as fingerprints for the purpose of identification," he says. "In the case of violent crime it is better than fingerprints. You can't innocently explain things like blood and semen at a crime scene where you may be able to innocently explain fingerprints. " In Queensland, a person who has been arrested on suspicion of an offence can be taken before a magistrate and ordered to provide a sample of body fluid by force if necessary.

单选题Data security used to be all about spending big bucks on firewalls to defend data at the network perimeter and on antivirus software to protect individual computers. Internet-based computing, or cloud computing, has changed all that, at the same time expanding exponentially the chances for data thieves and hackers. The cloud creates other opportunities too. a handful of security vendors now deliver security as a service--a one-two punch of hardware and software that monitors and manages an enterprise's data security and bills customers only for the computing power they use. "For years, security was about big companies pushing technology to their customers," says Qualys CEO and founder Philippe Courtot. "Now it's about the customers pulling precisely what they need and providing them with those resources on demand. " Qualys, a privately held company in Redwood Shores, Calif. , was among the first to embrace the service-oriented model, in 1999. Today four different modules of QualysGuard, its flagship offering, are used by more than 3500 organizations in 85 countries. The company performs more than 200 million security audits per year. Courtot knows something about opportunity. The French entrepreneur arrived in Silicon Valley in 1987 and has built a number of companies into big-time players, including Signio, an electronic-payment start-up that was eventually sold to VeriSign in a combined deal for more than $1 billion. As CEO, he rebuilt Verity and transformed cc:Mail, a once unknown firm of 12 people, into a dominant e-mail platform before Lotus acquired it in 1991. "Throughout my career, I've been able to recognize that for a technology to succeed, it must have a purpose," he says. "Technology itself has no value. It's what you do with it that counts. " Under the old paradigm, according to Courtot, enterprises overspent for stand-alone security devices that became unruly and difficult to operate over the long term He says Qualys attacks the flaws in this strategy by streamlining security and tackling most of the service delivery through the cloud. "We control the infrastructure, software updates, quality assurance and just about everything in between," he says. The firm unveiled QualysGuard in 2000. After an infusion of $ 25 million from the venture firm Trident Capital and another $ 25 million from Gourtot, Qualys tweaked the service to focus mostly on vulnerability management. Much of the company's current revenue-sales, topped $ 50 million last year--is being driving by a set of standards established by the Payment Card Industry Security Standards Council (PCISSC). "The PCI standard has been a major driver of business for all of them, especially Qualys," says Avivah Litan, a vice president and analyst at market-research firm Gartner. "When everyone has to comply, there's a lot of work to go around. /

单选题Democrats on the Senate Judiciary Committee vented their fury over high gasoline prices at executives of the nation"s five largest oil companies on Wednesday, grilling the oilmen over their multimillion-dollar pay packages and warning them that Congress was intent on taking action that could include a new tax on so-called windfall profits. Such showdowns between lawmakers and oil titans have become a familiar routine on Capitol Hill. But with gas prices nearing $ 4 a gallon, and lawmakers headed home for a weeklong Memorial Day recess where they expect to get an earful from angry constituents, there is added urgency for Congress to appear active. But while momentum is building for several measures, including a bill that would allow the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries to be sued in American courts under antitrust laws, there is little sign that any of the proposals would do much, if anything, to lower prices quickly. And the oil executives warned that government intervention might only make things worse. Instead, they called on Congress to allow more drilling and exploration for domestic oil. The increasing urgency to seem aggressive about gasoline prices was apparent on Tuesday when the House voted by an overwhelming 324 to 84 to approve the bill, commonly referred to as NOPEC, which classifies OPEC as a monopoly in violation of the Sherman Antitrust Act. Senate Democrats have included that measure as part of a package of legislation intended to address the high price of gasoline, along with the tax on windfall profits and a measure to tamp down speculation in the oil futures market that many lawmakers think is contributing to the run-up in prices. At the Judiciary Committee hearing, Democratic senators struggled to have the executives explain how oil prices had risen so high. The senators expressed doubt that basic laws of supply and demand were at work and suggested instead a more sinister combination of monopolistic behavior by oil-producing countries, speculation in the futures markets and sheer corporate greed. On Monday, President Bush signed a bill temporarily suspending the purchase of crude oil for the nation"s Strategic Petroleum Reserve. Mr. Bush had initially opposed such action but relented after the House and Senate approved the bill by wide margins. Senator Richard J. Durbin, Democrat of Illinois and a strong supporter of Senator Baraek Obama"s presidential bid, made a particularly pointed attack, in which he seemed to warn the oil executives that they would soon no longer have such a good friend in the White House. He also suggested that Mr. Bush should be doing more to press the oil companies to help lower prices at the pump, while acknowledging that it would be difficult to pass a windfall profits tax while Mr. Bush was still in office.

单选题The author seems to agree that