单选题If I had a car of my own, I______it to your sister yesterday.

单选题For someone whose life has been shattered, Hiroshi Shimizu is remarkably calm. In a cramped Tokyo law office, the subdued, bitter man in his 30s—using an assumed name for the interview relates how he became infected with the HIV virus from tainted blood products sold by Japanese hospitals to hemophiliacs during the mid-1980s. "I was raped," says Shimizu. "I never thought doctors would give me bad medicine. " last year, Shimizu was shocked when a doctor newly transferred to his hospital broke the news. Four years earlier, he had asked his previous doctor if he could safely marry. "He told me: 'There's absolutely no problem,' even though he knew [I was infected]," Shimizu says. "I could have passed it to my wife. " Luckily, he hasn't. Shimizu is one of more than 2,000 hemophiliacs and their loved ones infected with the deadly virus before heat-treated blood products became available in Japan. It's a tragedy—and now it's a national scandal. In recent weeks, the country has been rocked by charges that Japanese drug and hospital companies kept selling tainted blood even after the AIDS threat was proved beyond a shadow of a doubt. Even worse is the charge that the Japanese government knowingly allowed this dangerous practice as part of a policy to protect domestic companies from foreign competition. Japan's bureaucrats are already under attack for their role in the banking fiasco. As the AIDS scandal unfolds, Japanese confidence in government could erode even further. Big settlements in a related lawsuit may also set a precedent in other AIDS liability cases around the world. The origins of the tragedy go back to 1983. By then, scientists were closing in on the virus that causes AIDS, and U. S. health authorities mandated that all blood products be heat-treated to protect hemophiliacs and patients from infection. Japanese authorities were concerned as well: the Health & Welfare Ministry formed an AIDS study group headed by the country's foremost hemophilia expert, Dr. Takeshi Abe. RAIN AND SLEET. What happened next has only just been revealed, thanks to an investigation by new Health Minister Naoto Kan. According to investigators, the ministry group on July 4, 1983, recommended banning untreated blood imports. Since no heat-treated products were then available from Japanese companies, the group also advised allowing emergency imports of heat-treated blood from companies such as U. S. drug giant Baxter International Inc. But a week later, the recommendation was reversed. According to memos recovered from the records of Atsuaki Gunji, then head of the ministry's Biological & antibiotics Div., the recommendation was overturned because it would "deal a blow" to domestic companies. Japan's marketers of blood products bought imports of untreated blood—and they did not have their heat-treatment processes yet. The ministry insisted that Baxter conduct two years of clinical testing in Japan before it used its new heat treatment there. Domestic drug companies, led by Osaka-based Green Cross Ltd. rushed to develop their own treatment processes. Meanwhile, Baxter and other foreign companies that already sold untreated blood products in Japan had to continue the practice if they wanted to stay in the market. The recent revelations have sparked some startling events in a country where discussion of AIDS is still largely taboo. In February, health Minister Kan made front-page news when he officially apologized to HIV-infected hemophiliacs and families who had staged a 72-hour vigil in rain and sleet outside the ministry.

单选题 They employed a consultant to appraise the relative merits of the two computer systems.

单选题{{B}}Directions:{{/B}} Answer all the questions based on the information in the passages below. Passage 1 In the preceding chapter, economic welfare was taken broadly to consist of that group of satisfactions and dissatisfactions which can be brought into relation with a money measure. We have now to observe that this relation is not a direct one, but is mediated through desires and aversions. That is to say, the money that a person is prepared to offer for a thing measures directly, not the satisfaction he will get from the thing, but-the intensity of his desire for it. This distinction, obvious when stated, has been somewhat obscured for English-speaking students by the employment of the term utility - which naturally carries an association with satisfaction - to represent intensity of desire. Thus, when one thing is desired by a person more keenly than another, it is said to possess a greater utility to that person. Several writers have endeavored to get rid of the confusion which this use of words generates by substituting "utility" in the above sense for some other term, such as "desirability". The term "desiredness" seems, however, to be preferable, because, since it cannot be taken to have any ethical implication, it is less ambiguous. I shall myself employ that term. Generally speaking, everybody prefers present pleasures or satisfactions of given magnitude to future pleasures or satisfactions of equal magnitude, even when the latter are perfectly certain to occur. But this preference for present pleasures does not - the idea is self-contradictory - imply that a present pleasure of given magnitude is any greater than a future pleasure of the same magnitude. It implies only that our telescopic faculty is defective, and that we, therefore, see future pleasures, as it were, on a diminished scale. That this is the right explanation is proved by the fact that exactly the same diminution is experienced when, apart from our tendency to forget ungratifying incidents, we contemplate the past. Our analysis also suggests that economic welfare could be increased by some rightly chosen degree of differentiation in favor of saving. Nobody, of course, holds that the State should force its citizens to act as though so much objective wealth now and in the future were of exactly equal importance. In view of the uncertainty of productive developments, to say nothing of the mortality of nations and eventually of the human race itself, this would not, even in the extremest theory, be sound policy. But there is wide agreement that the State should protect the interests of the future in some degree against the effects of our irrational discounting and of our preference for ourselves over our descendants. The whole movement for "conservation" in the United States is based on this conviction. It is the clear duty of Government, which is the trustee for unborn generations as well as for its present citizens, to watch over, and, if need be, by legislative enactment, to defend, the exhaustible natural resources of the country from rash and reckless spoliation. Plainly, if we assume adequate competence on the part of governments, there is a valid case for some artificial encouragement to investment, particularly to investments the return from which will only begin to appear after the lapse of many years. It must, however, be remembered that, so long as people are left free to decide for themselves how much work they will do, interference, by fiscal or any other means , with the way they employ the resources that their work yields to them may react to diminish the aggregate amount of this work and so of those resources.Comprehension Questions:

单选题The procurement department is in charge of ______.

单选题From Gates's mention of W. E. B. Du Bois and Malcolm X we can infer that ______.

单选题______ of over 5% are attractive if the dollar really is going to stabilize.

单选题The main feature of a convention--a pattern of behavior that is customary, expected, and self-enforced--is that, out of a host of conceivable choices, only one is actually used. This fact also explains why conventions are needed: they resolve problems of indeterminacy in interactions that have multiple equilibria. Indeed, from a forma[ point of view, we may define a convention as an equilibrium that everyone expects in interactions that have more than one equilibrium. The economic significance of conventions is that they reduce transaction costs. Imagine the inconvenience if, whenever two vehicles approached one another, the drivers had to get out and negotiate which side of the road to take. Or consider the cost of having to switch freight from one type of railroad to another whenever a journey involves both a wide-gauge and a narrow-gauge railroad line. This was a common circumstance in the nineteenth century and not unknown in the late twentieth: until recently, Australia had different rail gauges in the states of South Wales and Victoria, forcing a mechanical switch for all trains bound between Sydney and Melbourne. Conventions are also a notable feature of legal contracts. People rely on standard leases, wills, purchasing agreements, construction contracts and the like, because it is less costly to fill in the blanks of a standard contract than to Create one from scratch. Even more important, such agreements are backed up by legal precedent, so the signatories have even greater confidence that, their terms are enforceable. We may discern two ways in which conventions become established. One is by central authority. Following the French Revolution, for example, it was decreed that horse-drawn carriages in Paris should keep to the right. The previous custom had been for carriages to keep left and for pedestrians to keep right, facing the oncoming traffic. Changing the custom was symbolic of the new order going on the left had become politically incorrect because it was identified with the privileged classes; going on the right was the habit of the common many and therefore-more "democratic." In Britain, by contrast there seems to have been no single defining event that gave rise to the dominant convention of left-handed driving. Rather, it grew up by local custom, spreading from one region to another. This is the second mechanism by which conventions become established: the gradual accretion of precedent. The two mechanisms are not mutually exclusive, of course. Society often converges on a convention first by an informal process of accretion; later it is codified into law to regulate exceptions. In many countries, rules of the road were not legislated until the nineteenth century, but by this time the law was merely reiterating what had already become established custom. The surprising fact is that until the end of the eighteenth century, the dominant convention was for horse-drawn carriages to keep to the left. This situation obtained in Great Britain, France, Sweden, Portugal, Austria, Hungary, Bohemia and parts of Italy. A chain of historical accidents--Napoleon adopting the new convention for his armies and imposing this convention in occupied countries; Portugal sharing a common border with occupied Spain; Austria, Hungary and Bohemian Czechoslovakia falling under German rule; Italy having elected a "modern" leader under a king--gradually tipped the balance.

单选题Science has long had an uneasy relationship with other aspects of culture. Think of Gallileo"s 17th century trial for his rebelling belief before the Catholic Church or poet William Blake"s harsh remarks against the mechanistic worldview of Isaac Newton. The schism between science and the humanities has, if anything, deepened in this century. Until recently, the scientific community was so powerful that it could afford to ignore its critics—but no longer. As funding for science has declined, scientists have attacked "antiscience" in several books, notably Higher Superstition, by Paul R. Gross, a biologist at the University of Verginia, and Norman Levitt, a mathematician at Rutgers University; and The Demon Haunted World, by Carl Sagan of Cornell University. Defenders of science have also voiced their concerns at meetings such as "The Flight from Science and Reason," held in New York City in 1995, and "Science in the Age of (Mis) information," which assembled last June near Buffalo. Antiscience clearly means different things to different people. Gross and Levitt find fault primarily with sociologists, philosophers and other academics who have questioned science"s objectivity. Sagan is more concerned with those who believe in ghosts, creationism and other phenomena that contradict the scientific worldview. A survey of news stories in 1996 reveals that the antiscience tag has been attached to many other groups as well, from authorities who advocated the elimination of the last remaining stocks of smallpox virus to Republicans who advocated decreased funding for basic research. Few would dispute that the term applies to the Unbomber, those manifest, published in 1995, scorns science and longs for return to a pretechnological utopia. But surely that does not mean environmentalists concerned about uncontrolled industrial growth are antiscience, as an essay in U.S. News & World Report last May seemed to suggest. The environmentalists, inevitably, respond to such critics. The true enemies of science, argues Paul Ehrlich of Stanford University, a pioneer of environmental studies, are those who question the evidence supporting global warming, the depletion of the ozone layer and other consequences of industrial growth. Indeed, some observers fear that the antiscience epithet is in danger of becoming meaningless. "The term "antiscience" can lump together too many, quite different things," notes Harvard University philosopher Gerald Holton in his 1993 work Science and Anti Science. "They have in common only one thing that they tend to annoy or threaten those who regard themselves as more enlightened."

单选题One of Nike's founders, Phillip Hampson Knight had been a top athlete when he was at the University of Oregon and he moved on to become a student at Stanford Business School, but retained his interest in sport. A. remained B. preserved C. continued D. restrained

单选题If you want to do well on the exam, you ______ on the directions that the professor gives and take ex-act notes. A. will have concentrated B. have to concentrate C. will be concentrated D. will be concentrating

单选题The newspaper must provide for the reader the facts, unalloyed, unsalted, objectively selected facts. But in these days of complex news it must provide more; it must supply interpretation, the meaning of the facts. This is the most important assignment confronting American journalism—to make clear to the reader the problems of the day, to make international news as understandable as community news, to recognize that there is no longer any such thing (with the possible exception of such scribbling as society and club news) as "local" news, because any event in the international area has a local reaction in manpower draft, in economic strain, in terms, indeed, of our very way of life. There is in journalism a widespread view that when you embark on interpretation, you are entering choppy and dangerous waters, the swirling tides of opinion. This is nonsense. The opponents of interpretation insist that the writer and the editor shall confine himself to the "facts". This insistence raises two questions: What arc the facts? And: Are the bare facts enough ? As to the first query, consider how a so-called" factual" story comes about. The reporter collects, say, fifty facts; out of these fifty, his space allotment being necessarily restricted, he selects the ten which he considers the most important. This is Judgment Number One. Then he or his editor decides which of these ten facts shall constitute the lead of the piece. ( This is an important decision because many readers do not proceed beyond the first paragraph. ) This is Judgment Number Two. Then the night editor determines whether the article shall be presented on page one, where it has a large impact, or on page twenty-four, where it has little. Judgment Number Three. Thus, in the presentation of a so-called" factual" or" objective" story, at least three judgments are involved. And they are judgments not at all unlike those involved in interpretation, in which reporter and editor, calling upon their research resources, their general background, and their "news neutralism", arrive at a conclusion as to the significance of the news. The two areas of judgment, presentation of the news and its interpretation, are both objective rather than subjective processes—as objective, that is, as any human being can be (Note in passing: even though complete objectivity can never be achieved, nevertheless the ideal must always be the beacon on the murky news channels. ) If an editor is intent on slanting the news, he can do it in other ways and more effectively than by interpretation. He can do it by the selection of those facts that prop up his particular plea. Or he can do it by the play he gives a story -- promoting it to page one or demoting it to page thirty.

单选题Changes in the volume of unemployment are governed by three fundamental forces: the growth of the labor force, the increase in output per man hour, and the growth of total demand for goods and services. Changes in the average hours of work enter in exactly parallel fashion but have been quantitatively less significant. As productivity rises, less labor is required per dollar of national product, or more goods and services can be produced with the same number of man—goods. If output does not grow, employment will certainly fall; if production increases more rapidly than productivity (less any decline in average hours worked, employment must rise. But the labor force grows, too. Unless gross national product (total final expenditure for goods and services corrected for price changes) rises more rapidly than the sum of productivity increase and labor force growth (again modified for any change in hours of work), the increase in employment will be inadequate to absorb the growth in the labor force. Inevitably the unemployment rate will increase. Only when total production expands faster than the rate of labor force growth plus the rate of productivity increase and minus the rate at which average annual hours fall does the unemployment fall. Increases in productivity were more important than growth of the labor force as sources of the wide gains in output experienced in the period from the end of the war to the mid-sixties. These increases in potential production simply were not matched by increases in demand adequate to maintain steady full employment. Except for the recession years of 1949, 1954, and 1958, the rate of economic growth exceeded the rate of productivity increase. However, in the late 1950s productivity and labor force were increasing more rapidly than usual, while the growth of output was slower than usual. This accounted for the change in employment rates. But if part of the national purpose is to reduce and contain unemployment, arithmetic is not enough. We must know which of the basic factors we can control and which we wish to control. Unemployment would have risen more slowly or fallen more rapidly if productivity had increased more slowly, or the labor force had increased more slowly, or the hours of work had fallen more steeply, or total output had grown more rapidly. These are not independent factors, however, and a change in any of them might have caused change in the others. A society can choose to reduce the growth of productivity, and it can probably find ways to frustrate its own creativity. However, while a reduction in the growth of productivity at the expense of potential output might result in higher employment in the short run, the long-run effect on the national interest would be disastrous. We must also give consideration to the fact that hidden beneath national averages is continuous movement into, out of, between, and within labor markets. For example, 15 years ago, the average number of persons in the labor force was 74 million, with about 70 million employed and 3.9 million unemployed. Yet 14 million experienced some term of unemployment in that year. Some were new entrants to the labor force; others were laid off temporarily, the remainders were those who were permanently or indefinitely severed from their jobs. Thus, the average number unemployed during a year understates the actual volume of involuntary-displacement that occurs. High unemployment is not an inevitable result of the pace of technological change but the consequence of passive public policy. We can anticipate a moderate increase in the labor force accompanied by a slow and irregular decline in hours or work. It follows that the output of the economy—and the aggregate demand to buy it—must grow by more than 4 percent a year just to prevent the unemployment rate from rising, and by even more if the unemployment rate is to fail further. Yet our economy has seldom, if ever, grown at a rate greater than 3.5 percent for any extended length of time. We have no cause for complacency. Positive fiscal, monetary, and man power policies will needed in the future.

单选题Building on the base of evidence and interpretation in Hansen' s ( 1994 ) qualitative study of working people' s diaries, ,se assigned each diarist a set of codes to indicate employment, marital status, number of children, and size of the town in which he or she lived. To analyze the number, location and gender mix of visiting occasions, we coded each day in January and July for every year of the diary, counting the number of named visitors, the visitors' gender, the size of the visiting occasion (1 to 4 people, or 5 and above), the gender mix of those present during the visit, and the location of the visit. While this may seem straightforward at first glance, the variable nature of the diary entries meant that the coding process was not as uncomplicated as we initially anticipated. Given the number of diarists and the span of diary-keeping years, we faced the possibility of coding over 200,000 diary days. Because of the labor-intensive nature of the coding and the number of entries, we chose to code only 2 months—January and July—of each year a diarist kept a diary. We chose 2 months that could reflect a range of sociability. Severe January weather in New England impeded mobility, but it also freed those who were farmers from most of their labor-intensive chores. July tended to be haying season tbr farmers, which meant some people routinely worked all month in the fields—some alone, some with hired help. Further, the clement July weather meant grater mobility for all of the diary keepers. For some people—those who kept a diary for only a single year—the fact that we coded only 2 months out of each year meant we have only 62 "diary-days" to document their social lives. For others, we have several thousand. Limiting ourselves to January and July for each diary year, we nonetheless coded entries for a total of 24,752 diary days. In an effort to capture an accurate picture of visiting patterns, we coded every day of a given month, even those that had no entry or that mentioned only the weather, as well as those that recorded numerous visiting occasions in one day. Determining a working definition of what constituted a visit was also an unexpected challenge. For example, although schoolteacher Mary Mudge kept a meticulous record of her visiting "rounds," listing names, places, and conversation topics, other diarists were not as forthcoming. A typical entry in farmer John Campbell' s diary (9 July, 1825 ) was less amenable to our initial coding scheme: "Go to Carr' s for Oxen." ( See Hansen and Mcdonald, 1995, for a fuller discussion of the pitfalls of coding diary data. ) We therefore created the following coding protocol. We defined a visit as any occasion in which the diarist names the presence of individuals not of his or her household, the presence of the non-household member serving to distinguish between a community interaction and a household interaction. We also coded as visits public events at which the diarist was present but others in attendance were not named. The most common among these were records of church attendance. Although an entry "went to church" did not result in a finding of specific male or female visitors, it was a community interaction; thus, these entries were coded as gender-mixed visiting occasions of five or more people in a public place. Because of the variable nature of diary-keeping practices, we were careful to record only what we could confidently infer. Therefore, some entries record visits but no named individuals. Others, such as church attendance (which is generally a large-group event) or a visit to one named friend ( which is an intimate affair), allowed us to code the size of the group. Still others, when the location of the visit was specifically mentioned, allowed us to code the diarist as hosting, acting as a guest in another' s home, or interaction at a public place. Comprehension Questions:

单选题In the war many children were ______ from the cities to countryside.

单选题The area is______with trails, some as wide as boulevards, that have been cut and maintained by elephant.(2003年西南财经大学考博试题)

单选题The United Nation Law of the Sea Conference would soon produce an ocean-mining treaty following its______declaration in 1970 that oceans were the heritage of mankind.(2007年清华大学考博试题)

单选题In ancient times, some catastrophic extinction of species occurred ______.