单选题We listened dumb-struck, full of ______ , to the shocking details of the corruption of the president of the company.
单选题On January 11th, a remarkable legal case opens in a San Francisco courtroom—on its way, it seems almost certain, to the Supreme Court. Perry v. Schwarzenegger challenges the constitutionality of Proposition 8, the California referendum that, in November 2008, overturned a state Supreme Court decision allowing same-sex couples to marry. Its lead lawyers are unlikely allies. Theodore B. Olson, the former solicitor general under President George W. Bush, and a prominent conservative; and David Boies, the Democratic trial lawyer who was his opposing counsel in Bush v. Gore. The two are mounting an ambitious case that pointedly circumvents the incremental, narrowly crafted legal gambits and the careful state-by-state strategy, leading gay-rights organizations have championed in the fight for marriage equality. The Olson-Boies team hopes for a ruling that will transform the legal and social landscape nationwide, something on the order of Brown v. Board of Education, in 1954, or Loving v. Virginia, the landmark 1967 Supreme Court ruling that invalidated laws prohibiting interracial marriage. Olson's interest in this case has puzzled quite a few people. What's in it for him? Is he sincere? Does he really think he can sway the current Court? But when I spoke with Olson, who is sixty-nine, in early December, he sounded confident and impassioned; the case clearly fascinated him both as an intellectual challenge and as a way to make history. "The Loving case was forty-two years ago," he said, perched on the edge of his chair in the law offices of Gibson, Dunn there was something folksy in his speech, which reminded me that he's a Westerner, who grew up and was educated in Northern California. He said, "Separate is not equal. Civil unions and domestic partnerships are not the same as marriage. We're not inventing any new right, or creating a new right, or asking the courts to recognize a new right. The Supreme Court has said over and over and over again that marriage is a fundamental right, and although our opponents say, 'Well, that's always been involving a man and a woman,' when the Supreme Court has talked about it, they've said it's an associational right, it's a liberty right, it's a privacy right, and it's an expression of your identity, which is all wrapped up in the Constitution." "The Justices of the Supreme Court", Olson said, "are individuals who will consider this seriously, and give it good attention," and he was optimistic that he could persuade them. (The losing side in San Francisco will likely appeal to the Ninth Circuit, and from there the case could proceed to the Supreme Court.) Olson's self-assurance has a sound basis: he has argued fifty-six cases before the high court—he was one of the busiest lawyers before the Supreme Court bench last year—and prevailed in forty-four of them. Justices Sandra Day O'Connor and Anthony Kennedy attended his wedding three years ago, in Napa. Olson said that he wanted the gay-marriage case to be a "teaching opportunity, so people will listen to us talk about the importance of treating people with dignity and respect and equality and affection and love and to stop discriminating against people on the basis of sexual orientation. " If the Perry case succeeds before the Supreme Court, it could mean that gay marriage would be permitted not only in California but in every state. And, if the Court recognized homosexuals as indistinguishable from heterosexuals for the purposes of marriage law, it would be hard, if not impossible, to uphold any other taws that discriminated against people on the basis of sexual orientation. However, a loss for Olson and Boies could be a major setback to the movement for marriage equality. Soon after Olson and Boies filed the case, last May, some leading gay-rights organizations—among them the A. C. L. U., Human Rights Campaign, Lambda Legal, and the National Center for Lesbian Rights—issued a statement condemning such efforts. The odds of success for a suit weren't good, the groups said, because the "Supreme Court typically does not get too far ahead of either public opinion or the law in the majority of states." The legal precedent that these groups were focused on wasn't Loving v. Virginia but, rather, Bowers v. Hardwick, the 1986 Supreme Court decision that stunned gay-rights advocates by upholding Georgia's antiquated law against sodomy. It was seventeen years before the Court was willing to revisit the issue, in Lawrence v. Texas, though by then only thirteen states still had anti-sodomy statutes; this time, the Court overturned the laws, with a 6-3 vote and an acerbic dissent from Justice Antonin Scalia, who declared that the Court had aligned itself with the "homosexual agenda," adding, "Many Americans do not want persons who openly engage in homosexual conduct as partners in their business, as scoutmasters for their children, as teachers in their children's schools, or as boarders in their home. They view this as protecting themselves and their families from a lifestyle that they believe to be immoral and destructive." Seventeen years was a long time to wait. "A loss now may make it harder to go to court later," the activists' statement read. "It will take us a lot longer to get a good Supreme Court decision if the Court has to overrule itself." Besides, the groups argued, "We lost the right to marry in California at the ballot box. That's where we need to win it back." Plenty of gay-marriage supporters agreed that it was smarter to wait until the movement had been successful in more states—and, possibly, the composition of the Supreme Court had shifted. (During the last year of a second Obama term, Scalia would be eighty-one.)
单选题
单选题My own {{U}}inclination{{/U}}, if I were in your situation, would be to look for another position.
单选题When the rent was due. the poor man ______ for more time.
单选题The retired engineer plunked down $ 50, 100 in cash for a midsize Mercedes as a present for his wife—a purchase ______ with money made in the stock the week before.
单选题The child's earliest words deal with concrete objects and actions, it is much later that he is able to grasp ______ .
单选题The poor couple ______ every night over the decision to send their sons to school and keeping their only daughter at home to help with fainting work.
单选题
Since the Hawaiian Islands have never
been connected to other landmasses, the great variety of plants in Hawaii must
be a result of the long-distance dispersal of seeds, a process that requires
both a method of transport and an equivalence between the ecology of the source
area and that of the recipient area. There is some dispute about
the method of transport involved. Some biologists argue that ocean and air
currents are responsible for the transport of plant seeds to Hawaii. Yet the
results of flotation experiments and the low temperatures of air currents cast
doubt on these hypotheses. More probable is bird transport, either externally,
by accidental attachment of the seeds to feathers, or internally, by the
swallowing of fruit and subsequent excretion of the seeds. While it is likely
that fewer varieties of plant seeds have reached Hawaii externally than
internally, more varieties are known to be adapted to external than to internal
transport.
单选题______ both in working life and everyday living to different sets of values, and expectations places a severe strain on the individual.
单选题I think it was all fixed up by lawyers or ______ arranges adoptions.
单选题Certain animal behaviors, such as mating rituals, seem to be __________ , and therefore external factors such as climate changes, food supply, or the presence of other animals of the same species.
单选题Whether the eyes are "the windows of the soul" is debatable; A
that
they are B
intensely important
in interpersonal communication is a fact. During the first two months of a baby's life, C
the stimuli that produces
a smile is a pair of eyes. The eyes D
need not be
real; a mask with two dots will produce a smile.
单选题The last paragraph mainly tells ______.
单选题{{B}}Passage 1{{/B}}
Let us assume, for the moment, that
labor m not prepared to work for a lower money-wage and that a reduction in the
existing level of money-wages would lead, through strikes or otherwise, to a
withdrawal from the labor market of labor which is now employed. Does it follow
from this that the existing level of real wages accurately measures the marginal
disutility of labor? Not necessarily. For, although a reduction in the existing
money-wage would lead to a withdrawal of labor, it does not follow that a fall
in the value of the existing money-wage in terms of wage-goods would do so, if
it were due to a rise in the price of the latter. In other words, it may be the
case that within a certain range the demand of labor is for a minimum money-wage
and not for a minimum real wage. The classical school has tacitly assumed that
this would involve no significant change in their theory. But this is not so.
For if the supply of labor is not a function of real wages as its sole variable,
their argument breaks down entirely and leaves the question of what the actual
employment will be quite indeterminate. They do not seem to have realized that,
unless the supply of labor is a function of real wages alone, their supply curve
for labor will shift bodily with every movement of prices. Thus their method is
tied up with their very special assumptions, and cannot be adapted to deal with
the more general case. Now ordinary experience tells us, beyond
doubt, that a situation where labor stipulates (within limits) for a money-wage
rather than a real wage, so far from being a mere possibility, is the normal
case. Whilst workers will usually resist a reduction of money- wages, it is not
their practice to withdraw their labor whenever there is a rise in the price of
wage-goods. It is sometimes said that it would be illogical for labor to resist
a reduction of money-wages but not to resist a reduction of real wages. For
reasons given below, this might not be so illogical as it appears at first; and,
as we shall see later, fortunately so. But, whether logical or illogical,
experience shows that this is how labor in fact behaves.
Moreover, the contention that the unemployment which characterizes a
depression is due to a refusal by labor to accept a reduction of money-wages is
not clearly supported by the facts. It is not very plausible to assert that
unemployment in the United States in 1932 was due either to labor obstinately
refusing to accept a reduction of money-wages or to its obstinately demanding a
real wage beyond what the productivity of the economic machine was capable of
furnishing. Wide variations are experienced in the volume of employment without
any apparent change either in the minimum real demands of labor or in its
productivity. Labor is not more truculent in the depression than in the boom-far
from it. Nor is its physical productivity less, These facts from experience are
a prima facie ground for questioning the adequacy of the classical
analysis.
单选题Such policies have also enabled companies such as McMullens to take advantage of recession- ary periods rather than be forced into taking______ measures.
单选题If prisoners behave well they are allowed the ______ of visiting their families at the weekend.
单选题The Portuguese give a great deal of credit to one man for having promoted sea travel, that man ______ prince Henry the navigator, who lived in the 15th century.
单选题Only by publishing at least five articles on top journals______have the chance to be promoted to professors.
单选题The gap between what we know and all that can be known seems not to ______, but rather to increase with every new discovery.
