单选题Science has long had an uneasy relationship with other aspects of culture. Think of Gallileo"s 17th century trial for his rebelling belief before the Catholic Church or poet William Blake"s harsh remarks against the mechanistic worldview of Isaac Newton. The schism between science and the humanities has, if anything, deepened in this century. Until recently, the scientific community was so powerful that it could afford to ignore its critics—but no longer. As funding for science has declined, scientists have attacked "antiscience" in several books, notably Higher Superstition, by Paul R. Gross, a biologist at the University of Verginia, and Norman Levitt, a mathematician at Rutgers University; and The Demon Haunted World, by Carl Sagan of Cornell University. Defenders of science have also voiced their concerns at meetings such as "The Flight from Science and Reason," held in New York City in 1995, and "Science in the Age of (Mis) information," which assembled last June near Buffalo. Antiscience clearly means different things to different people. Gross and Levitt find fault primarily with sociologists, philosophers and other academics who have questioned science"s objectivity. Sagan is more concerned with those who believe in ghosts, creationism and other phenomena that contradict the scientific worldview. A survey of news stories in 1996 reveals that the antiscience tag has been attached to many other groups as well, from authorities who advocated the elimination of the last remaining stocks of smallpox virus to Republicans who advocated decreased funding for basic research. Few would dispute that the term applies to the Unbomber, those manifest, published in 1995, scorns science and longs for return to a pretechnological utopia. But surely that does not mean environmentalists concerned about uncontrolled industrial growth are antiscience, as an essay in U.S. News & World Report last May seemed to suggest. The environmentalists, inevitably, respond to such critics. The true enemies of science, argues Paul Ehrlich of Stanford University, a pioneer of environmental studies, are those who question the evidence supporting global warming, the depletion of the ozone layer and other consequences of industrial growth. Indeed, some observers fear that the antiscience epithet is in danger of becoming meaningless. "The term "antiscience" can lump together too many, quite different things," notes Harvard University philosopher Gerald Holton in his 1993 work Science and Anti Science. "They have in common only one thing that they tend to annoy or threaten those who regard themselves as more enlightened."

单选题One of Nike's founders, Phillip Hampson Knight had been a top athlete when he was at the University of Oregon and he moved on to become a student at Stanford Business School, but retained his interest in sport. A. remained B. preserved C. continued D. restrained

单选题If you want to do well on the exam, you ______ on the directions that the professor gives and take ex-act notes. A. will have concentrated B. have to concentrate C. will be concentrated D. will be concentrating

单选题The newspaper must provide for the reader the facts, unalloyed, unsalted, objectively selected facts. But in these days of complex news it must provide more; it must supply interpretation, the meaning of the facts. This is the most important assignment confronting American journalism—to make clear to the reader the problems of the day, to make international news as understandable as community news, to recognize that there is no longer any such thing (with the possible exception of such scribbling as society and club news) as "local" news, because any event in the international area has a local reaction in manpower draft, in economic strain, in terms, indeed, of our very way of life. There is in journalism a widespread view that when you embark on interpretation, you are entering choppy and dangerous waters, the swirling tides of opinion. This is nonsense. The opponents of interpretation insist that the writer and the editor shall confine himself to the "facts". This insistence raises two questions: What arc the facts? And: Are the bare facts enough ? As to the first query, consider how a so-called" factual" story comes about. The reporter collects, say, fifty facts; out of these fifty, his space allotment being necessarily restricted, he selects the ten which he considers the most important. This is Judgment Number One. Then he or his editor decides which of these ten facts shall constitute the lead of the piece. ( This is an important decision because many readers do not proceed beyond the first paragraph. ) This is Judgment Number Two. Then the night editor determines whether the article shall be presented on page one, where it has a large impact, or on page twenty-four, where it has little. Judgment Number Three. Thus, in the presentation of a so-called" factual" or" objective" story, at least three judgments are involved. And they are judgments not at all unlike those involved in interpretation, in which reporter and editor, calling upon their research resources, their general background, and their "news neutralism", arrive at a conclusion as to the significance of the news. The two areas of judgment, presentation of the news and its interpretation, are both objective rather than subjective processes—as objective, that is, as any human being can be (Note in passing: even though complete objectivity can never be achieved, nevertheless the ideal must always be the beacon on the murky news channels. ) If an editor is intent on slanting the news, he can do it in other ways and more effectively than by interpretation. He can do it by the selection of those facts that prop up his particular plea. Or he can do it by the play he gives a story -- promoting it to page one or demoting it to page thirty.

单选题Changes in the volume of unemployment are governed by three fundamental forces: the growth of the labor force, the increase in output per man hour, and the growth of total demand for goods and services. Changes in the average hours of work enter in exactly parallel fashion but have been quantitatively less significant. As productivity rises, less labor is required per dollar of national product, or more goods and services can be produced with the same number of man—goods. If output does not grow, employment will certainly fall; if production increases more rapidly than productivity (less any decline in average hours worked, employment must rise. But the labor force grows, too. Unless gross national product (total final expenditure for goods and services corrected for price changes) rises more rapidly than the sum of productivity increase and labor force growth (again modified for any change in hours of work), the increase in employment will be inadequate to absorb the growth in the labor force. Inevitably the unemployment rate will increase. Only when total production expands faster than the rate of labor force growth plus the rate of productivity increase and minus the rate at which average annual hours fall does the unemployment fall. Increases in productivity were more important than growth of the labor force as sources of the wide gains in output experienced in the period from the end of the war to the mid-sixties. These increases in potential production simply were not matched by increases in demand adequate to maintain steady full employment. Except for the recession years of 1949, 1954, and 1958, the rate of economic growth exceeded the rate of productivity increase. However, in the late 1950s productivity and labor force were increasing more rapidly than usual, while the growth of output was slower than usual. This accounted for the change in employment rates. But if part of the national purpose is to reduce and contain unemployment, arithmetic is not enough. We must know which of the basic factors we can control and which we wish to control. Unemployment would have risen more slowly or fallen more rapidly if productivity had increased more slowly, or the labor force had increased more slowly, or the hours of work had fallen more steeply, or total output had grown more rapidly. These are not independent factors, however, and a change in any of them might have caused change in the others. A society can choose to reduce the growth of productivity, and it can probably find ways to frustrate its own creativity. However, while a reduction in the growth of productivity at the expense of potential output might result in higher employment in the short run, the long-run effect on the national interest would be disastrous. We must also give consideration to the fact that hidden beneath national averages is continuous movement into, out of, between, and within labor markets. For example, 15 years ago, the average number of persons in the labor force was 74 million, with about 70 million employed and 3.9 million unemployed. Yet 14 million experienced some term of unemployment in that year. Some were new entrants to the labor force; others were laid off temporarily, the remainders were those who were permanently or indefinitely severed from their jobs. Thus, the average number unemployed during a year understates the actual volume of involuntary-displacement that occurs. High unemployment is not an inevitable result of the pace of technological change but the consequence of passive public policy. We can anticipate a moderate increase in the labor force accompanied by a slow and irregular decline in hours or work. It follows that the output of the economy—and the aggregate demand to buy it—must grow by more than 4 percent a year just to prevent the unemployment rate from rising, and by even more if the unemployment rate is to fail further. Yet our economy has seldom, if ever, grown at a rate greater than 3.5 percent for any extended length of time. We have no cause for complacency. Positive fiscal, monetary, and man power policies will needed in the future.

单选题Building on the base of evidence and interpretation in Hansen' s ( 1994 ) qualitative study of working people' s diaries, ,se assigned each diarist a set of codes to indicate employment, marital status, number of children, and size of the town in which he or she lived. To analyze the number, location and gender mix of visiting occasions, we coded each day in January and July for every year of the diary, counting the number of named visitors, the visitors' gender, the size of the visiting occasion (1 to 4 people, or 5 and above), the gender mix of those present during the visit, and the location of the visit. While this may seem straightforward at first glance, the variable nature of the diary entries meant that the coding process was not as uncomplicated as we initially anticipated. Given the number of diarists and the span of diary-keeping years, we faced the possibility of coding over 200,000 diary days. Because of the labor-intensive nature of the coding and the number of entries, we chose to code only 2 months—January and July—of each year a diarist kept a diary. We chose 2 months that could reflect a range of sociability. Severe January weather in New England impeded mobility, but it also freed those who were farmers from most of their labor-intensive chores. July tended to be haying season tbr farmers, which meant some people routinely worked all month in the fields—some alone, some with hired help. Further, the clement July weather meant grater mobility for all of the diary keepers. For some people—those who kept a diary for only a single year—the fact that we coded only 2 months out of each year meant we have only 62 "diary-days" to document their social lives. For others, we have several thousand. Limiting ourselves to January and July for each diary year, we nonetheless coded entries for a total of 24,752 diary days. In an effort to capture an accurate picture of visiting patterns, we coded every day of a given month, even those that had no entry or that mentioned only the weather, as well as those that recorded numerous visiting occasions in one day. Determining a working definition of what constituted a visit was also an unexpected challenge. For example, although schoolteacher Mary Mudge kept a meticulous record of her visiting "rounds," listing names, places, and conversation topics, other diarists were not as forthcoming. A typical entry in farmer John Campbell' s diary (9 July, 1825 ) was less amenable to our initial coding scheme: "Go to Carr' s for Oxen." ( See Hansen and Mcdonald, 1995, for a fuller discussion of the pitfalls of coding diary data. ) We therefore created the following coding protocol. We defined a visit as any occasion in which the diarist names the presence of individuals not of his or her household, the presence of the non-household member serving to distinguish between a community interaction and a household interaction. We also coded as visits public events at which the diarist was present but others in attendance were not named. The most common among these were records of church attendance. Although an entry "went to church" did not result in a finding of specific male or female visitors, it was a community interaction; thus, these entries were coded as gender-mixed visiting occasions of five or more people in a public place. Because of the variable nature of diary-keeping practices, we were careful to record only what we could confidently infer. Therefore, some entries record visits but no named individuals. Others, such as church attendance (which is generally a large-group event) or a visit to one named friend ( which is an intimate affair), allowed us to code the size of the group. Still others, when the location of the visit was specifically mentioned, allowed us to code the diarist as hosting, acting as a guest in another' s home, or interaction at a public place. Comprehension Questions:

单选题In the war many children were ______ from the cities to countryside.

单选题The area is______with trails, some as wide as boulevards, that have been cut and maintained by elephant.(2003年西南财经大学考博试题)

单选题The United Nation Law of the Sea Conference would soon produce an ocean-mining treaty following its______declaration in 1970 that oceans were the heritage of mankind.(2007年清华大学考博试题)

单选题In ancient times, some catastrophic extinction of species occurred ______.

单选题Some works of literature hold one's interest to the very last page, but others serve only as a ______, to be kept handily at a bedside table. A. reference B. soporific C. pleasure D. reminder

单选题It was so incredible to her that I should have made the highest score in the class ______ she was trying to test me again, personally.

单选题{{B}}Passage 4{{/B}} The Quechua world is submerged, so to speak, in a cosmic magma that weighs heavily upon it. It possesses the rare quality of being as it were interjected into the midst of antagonistic forces, which in turn implies a whole body of social and aesthetic structures whose innermost meaning must be the administration of energy. This gives rise to the social organism known as the ayllu, the agrarian community that regulates the procurement of food. The ayllu formed the basic structure of the whole Inca empire. The central idea of this organization was a kind of closed economy, just the opposite of our economic practices, which can be described as open. The closed economy rested on the fact that the Inca controlled both the production and consumption of food. When one adds to this fact the religious ideas noted in the Quechua texts cited by the chronicler Santa Cruz Pachacuti, one comes to the conclusion that in the Andean zone the margin of life was minimal and was made possible only by the system of magic the Quechua constructed through his religion. Adversities, moreover, were numerous, for the harvest might fail at any time and bring starvation to millions. Hence the whole purpose of the Quechua administrative and ideological system was to carry on the arduous task of achieving abundance and staving off shortages. This kind of a structure presupposes a state of unremitting anxiety, which could not be resolved by action. The Quechua could not do so because his primordial response to problems was the use of magic, that is, recourse to the unconscious for the solution of external problems. Thus the struggle against the world was a struggle against the dark depths of the Quechua's own psyche, where the solution was found. By overcoming the unconscious, the outer world was also vanquished. These considerations permit us to classify Quechua culture as absolutely static or, more accurately, as the expression of a mere state of being. Only in this way can we understand the refuge it took in the germinative center of the cosmic rnandala as revealed by Quechua art. The Quechua empire was nothing more than a mandala, for it was divided into four zones, with Cuzco in the center. Here the Quechua ensconced himself to-contemplate the decline of the world as though it were caused by an alien and autonomous force.

单选题We will also see a______ increase in the number of televisions per household, as small TV displays are added to clocks, coffee makers and smoke detectors.(2014年厦门大学考博试题)

单选题A meager diet may give you health and long life, but it is not much fun—and it might not even be necessary. A. scanty B. lavish C. balanced D. nutrient

单选题Aside from perpetuating itself, the sole purpose of the American Academy and Institute of Arts and Letters is to "foster, assist and sustain an interest" in literature, music, and art.

单选题The passage asserts which of the following about commercial art?

单选题______inflation, driven by rising food and oil costs, is striking hardest at the world's poorest, who are forced to spend 60 to 80 percent of their income on food. A. Sprouting B. Surging C. Spilling D. Spinning

单选题Even after a ship has sunk, its cargo can often be ______

单选题The human ear contains the organ for hearing and the organ for balance. Both organs involve fluid-filled channels containing hair cells that produce electrochemical impulses when the hairs are stimulated by moving fluid. The ear can be divided into three regions: outer, middle, and inner. The outer ear collects sound waves and directs them to the eardrum separating the outer ear from the middle ear. The middle ear conducts sound vibrations through three small bones to the inner ear. The inner ear is a network of channels containing fluid that moves in response to sound or movement. To perform the function of hearing, the ear converts the energy of pressure waves moving through the air into nerve impulses that the brain perceives as sound. Vibrating objects, such as the vocal cords of a speaking person, create waves in the surrounding air. These waves cause the eardrum to vibrate with the same frequency. The three bones of the middle ear amplify and transmit the vibrations to the oval window, a membrane on the surface of the cochlea, the organ of hearing. Vibrations of the oval window produce pressure waves in the fluid inside the cochlea. Hair cells in the cochlea convert the energy of the vibrating fluid into impulses that travel along the auditory nerve to the brain. The organ for balance is also located in the inner ear. Sensations related to body position are generated much like sensations of sound. Hair cells in the inner ear respond to changes in head position with respect to gravity and movement. Gravity is always pulling down on the hairs, sending a constant series of impulses to the brain. When the position of the head changes — as when the head bends forward — the force on the hair cells changes its output of nerve impulses. The brain then interprets these changes to determine the head's new position.