单选题Unlike the carefully weighed and planned compositions of Dante, Goethe's writings have always the sense of immediacy and enthusiasm. He was a constant experimenter with life, with ideas, and with forms of writing. For the same reason, his works seldom have the qualities of finish or formal beauty which distinguish the masterpieces of Dante and Virgil. He came to love the beauties of classicism, but these were never an essential part of his makeup. Instead, the urgency of the moment, the spirit of the thing, guided his pen. As a result, nearly all his works have serious flaws of structure, of inconsistencies, of excesses and redundancies and extraneities. In the large sense, Goethe represents the fullest development of the romanticist. It has been argued that he should not be so designated because he so clearly matured and outgrew the kind of romanticism exhibited by Wordsworth, Shelley, and Keats. Shelley and Keats died young; Wordsworth lived narrowly and abandoned his early attitudes. In contrast, Goethe lived abundantly anti developed his faith in the spirit, his understanding of nature and human nature, and his reliance on feelings as man's essential motivating force. The result was all-encompassing vision of reality and a philosophy of life broader and deeper than the partial visions and attitudes of other romanticists. Yet the spirit of youthfulness, the impatience with close reasoning or "logic-chopping," and the continued faith in nature remained his to tile end, together with an occasional waywardness and impulsiveness and a disregard of artistic or logical propriety which savor strongly of romantic individualism. Since so many twentieth century thoughts and attitudes are similarly based on the stimulus of the Romantic Movement, Goethe stands as particularly the poet of the modern man as Dante stood for medieval man and as Shakespeare for the man of the Renaissance.
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单选题Human evolution is lengthy process of change______people originated from apelike ancestors. Scientific evidence shows that the physical and behavioral traits shared by all people evolved over a period of at least 6 million years.
单选题The ties that bind us together in common activity are so ______ that they can disappear at any moment.(2011年四川大学考博试题)
单选题Being poorly dressed can ______ your chance of getting a job.
单选题The passage mentioned that Shimizu
单选题Building on the base of evidence and interpretation in Hansen's (1994) qualitative study of working people's diaries, we assigned each diarist a set of codes to indicate employment, marital status, number of children, and size of the town in which he or she lived. To analyze the number, location and gender mix of visiting occasions, we coded each day in January and July for every year of the diary, counting the number of named visitors, the visitors' gender, the size of the visiting occasion (1 to 4 people, or 5 and above), the gender mix of those present during the visit, and the location of the visit. While this may seem straightforward at first glance, the variable nature of the diary entries meant that the coding process was not as uncomplicated as we initially anticipated. Given the number of diarists and the span of diary-keeping years, we faced the possibility of coding over 200,000 diary days. Because of the labor-intensive nature of the coding and the number of entries, we chose to code only 2 months——January and July——of each year a diarist kept a diary. We chose 2 months that could reflect a range of sociability. Severe January weather in New England impeded mobility, but it also freed those who were farmers from most of their labor——intensive chores. July tended to be haying season for farmers, which meant some people routinely worked all month in the fields——some alone, some with hired help. Further, the clement July weather meant grater mobility for all of the diary keepers. For some people——those who kept a diary for only a single year——the fact that we coded only 2 months out of each year meant we have only 62 "diary-days" to document their social lives. For others, we have several thousand. Limiting ourselves to January and July for each diary year, we nonetheless coded entries for a total of 24,752 diary days. In an effort to capture an accurate picture of visiting patterns, we coded every day of a given month, even those that had no entry or that mentioned only the weather, as well as those that recorded numerous visiting occasions in one day. Determining a working definition of what constituted a visit was also an unexpected challenge. For example, although schoolteacher Mary Mudge kept a meticulous record of her visiting "rounds," listing names, places, and conversation topics, other diarists were not as forthcoming. A typical entry in farmer John Campbell's diary (9 July, 1825) was less amenable to our initial coding scheme: "Go to Cart's for Oxen." (See Hansen and Mcdonald, 1995, for a fuller discussion of the pitfalls of coding diary data.) We therefore created the following coding protocol. We defined a visit as any occasion in which the diarist names the presence of individuals not of his or her household, the presence of the non-household member serving to distinguish between a community interaction and a household interaction. We also coded as visits public events at which the diarist was present but others in attendance were not named. The most common among these were records of church attendance. Although an entry "went to church" did not result in a finding of specific male or female visitors, it was a community interaction; thus, these entries were coded as gender-mixed visiting occasions of five or more people in a public place. Because of the variable nature of diary-keeping practices, we were careful to record only what we could confidently infer. Therefore, some entries record visits but no named individuals. Others, such as church attendance (which is generally a large-group event) or a visit to one named friend (which is an intimate affair), allowed ns to code the size of the group. Still others, when the location of the visit was specifically mentioned, allowed us to code the diarist as hosting, acting as a guest in another's home, or interaction at a public place.
单选题You may make good grades by studying only before examinations, but you will succeed Ueventually/U only by studying hard every day.
单选题The ability to use a language can be______ only by the act of using the language.
单选题The floods did not start to ______ until two days after the rain had stopped.(2007年财政部财政科研所考博试题)
单选题Colorado now has told participants in the prepaid tuition plan that ______.
单选题To the great disappointment of the public, the wanted in the murder case so far remains ______.
单选题Although she was still ill, she ______ herself from the hospital.
单选题To give top ______ to health is to prolong your life and enjoy your life.
单选题{{B}}Passage 2{{/B}}
Many objects in daily use have clearly
been influenced by science, but their form and function, their dimensions and
appearance were determined by technologists, artisans, designers, inventors, and
engineers using nonscientific modes of thought. Many features and
qualities of the objects that a technologist thinks about can't be reduced to
unambiguous verbal descriptions; they are dealt with in the mind by a visual,
nonverbal process. In the development of Western technology, it has been
nonverbal thinking, by and large, that has fixed the outlines and filled in the
details, and rockets exist not because of geometry or thermodynamics, but
because they were first a picture in the minds of those who built
them. The creative shaping process of a technologist's mind can
be seen in nearly every artifact that exists. For example, in designing a diesel
engine, a technologist might impress individual ways of non-verbal thinking on
the machine by continually using an intuitive sense of rightness and fitness.
What would be the shape of the combustion chamber? Where should be the valves
placed? Should it have a long or short piston? Such questions have a range of
answers that are supplied by experience, by physical requirements, by
limitations of available space, and not least by a sense of form. Some
decisions, such as wall thickness and pin diameter, may depend on scientific
calculations, but the nonscientific component of design remains
primary. Design courses, then, should be an essential element in
engineering curricula. Nonverbal thinking, a central mechanism in engineering
design, involves perceptions, the stock-in-trade of the artist, not the
scientist. Because perceptive processes are not assumed, to entail "hard
thinking", nonverbal thought is sometimes seen as a primitive stage in the
development of cognitive processes and inferior to verbal or mathematical
thought. But it is paradoxical that when the staff of the Historic American
Engineering Record wished to have drawings made of machines and isometric views
of industrial processes for its historical record of American engineering, the
only college students with the requisite abilities were not engineering
students, but rather students attending architectural schools.
If courses in design, which in a strongly analytical engineering
curriculum provide the background required for practical problem-solving, are
not provided, we can expect to en- counter silly but costly errors occurring in
advanced engineering systems. For example, early models of high-speed railroad
cars loaded with sophisticated controls were unable to operate in a snowstorm
because a fan sucked snow into the electrical system. Absurd random failures
that plague automatic control systems are not merely trivial aberrations; they
are a reflection of the chaos that results when design is assumed to be
primarily a problem in mathematics.
单选题49 The end of winter is the most dangerous time for the animals in Yellowstone Park as food becomes even ______.
单选题Almost since the beginning of mankind, governments have been recording the numbers of their populace. The first known census report took place in 3800 B. C. in Babylonia for the purpose of deciding who should pay taxes. As time went by, governments found other, more creative uses for knowing their numbers. Egyptian King Ramses II used the census not only to determine who should pay taxes, but also to figure out how to divide land for farming and to decide who could provide manpower for various government projects. These new ideas came about in the mid-1200s-B. C. William the Conqueror brought the concept of census taking to England in 1085. All landowners were required to name their holdings for the purpose of taxation. By the fifteenth century, Tudor kings found a new twist to the Egyptians' use of the census. They too used the population count as a means of getting ready manpower for important government projects, namely, replenishing troops in the ongoing battles in western Europe. A rebellious tide swept over England, however, in the mid-1700s. A bill to authorize a regular census was defeated in Parliament on the grounds that it would give valuable information to England's enemies. But the tide of rebellion soon turned, and in 1800 England established its first regular census. Meanwhile the United States had already had an ongoing census for ten years. It was authorized in the Constitution for the purpose of deciding how many members of Congress would be needed for a fair representation of the American people. The constitutional article also established that the census would be taken in 1790 and every ten years thereafter. And so it has. Since its beginning, the American census has gone through many changes. Today the census provides more than a count of the people who live here. It takes polls on transportation, economic planning, and agriculture. The census also provides data for most government agency statistics, such as the unemployment rate. Counting costs have risen since 1790. The government spent about a penny per person to count post-Revolutionary Americans. Today the census costs $ 250 million—more than a dollar per person. That's a long way since 3800 B. C.
单选题John came in, his arm ______ blood.
单选题According to the writer, older Baby Boomer women went to work chiefly because ______.
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