单选题Once the price of the land has been ______, we can go ahead to build the house. A. agreed on B. agreed to C. agreed at D. agreed with

单选题Cities develop as a result of functions that they can perform, some functions result directly from the ingenuity of the citizenry, but most functions result from the needs of the local area and of the surrounding hinterland (the region that supplies goods to the city and to which the city furnishes services and other goods). Geographers often make a distinction between the situation and the site of a city. Situation refers to the general position in relation to the surrounding region, whereas site involves physical characteristics of the specific location. Situation is normally much more important to the continuing prosperity of a city. If a city is well situated in regard to its hinterland, its development is much more likely to continue. Chicago, for example, possesses an almost unparalleled situation, it is located at the southern end of a huge lake that forces east-west transportation lines to be compressed into its vicinity, and at a meeting of significant land and water transport routes. It also overlooks what is one of the world's finest large farming regions. These factors ensured that Chicago would become a great city regardless of the disadvantageous characteristics of the available site, such as being prone to flooding during thunderstorm activity. Similarly, it can be argued that much of New York City's importance stems from its early and continuing advantage of situation. Philadelphia and Boston both originated at about the same time as New York and shared New York's location at the western end of one of the world's most important oceanic trade routes, but only New York possesses an easy-access functional connection (the Hudson-Mohawk lowland) to the vast Midwestern hinterland. This account does not alone explain New York's primacy, but it does include several important factors. Among the many aspects of situation that help to explain why some cities grow and others do not, original location on a navigable waterway seems particularly applicable. Of course, such characteristic as slope, drainage, power resources, river crossings, coastal shapes, and other physical characteristics help to determine city location, but such factors are normally more significant in early stages of city development than later.

单选题How can researchers in "sleep laboratories" tell that the animals they are observing are asleep or not?

单选题{{B}}Passage Five{{/B}} The practice of capital punishment is as old as government itself. For most of history, it has not been considered controversial. Since ancient times most governments have punished a wide variety of crimes by death and have conducted executions as a routine part of the administration of criminal law. However, in the mid-18th century, social critics in Europe began to emphasize the worth of the individual and to criticize government practices they considered unjust, including capital punishment. The controversy and debate over whether governments should utilize the death penalty continue today. The first significant movement to abolish the death penalty began during the era known as the Age of Enlightenment. In 1764 Italian jurist and philosopher Cesare Becearia published an essay on Crimes and Punishments. Many consider this influential work the leading document in the early campaign against capital punishment. Other individuals who campaigned against executions during this period include French authors Voltaire and Denis Diderot, British philosophers David Hume and Adam Smith, and political theorist Thomas Paine in the United States. Critics of capital punishment argue that it is cruel and inhumane, while supporters consider it a necessary form of revenge for terrible crimes. Those who advocate the death penalty declare that it is a uniquely effective punishment that prevents crime. However, advocates and opponents of the death penalty dispute the proper interpretation of statistical analyses of its preventing effect. Opponents of capital punishment see the death penalty as a human rights issue involving the proper limits of governmental power. In contrast, those who want governments to continue to execute tend to regard capital punishment as an issue of criminal justice policy. Because of these alternative viewpoints, there is a profound difference of opinion not only about what is the fight answer on capital punishment, but also about what type of question is being asked when the death penalty becomes a public issue.

单选题He hastily packed his clothes in his ______ before setting out on the trip.

单选题Mark Evens, who had failed the physics test, was sitting on a bench in the corner ______ over his disappointment.

单选题Furthermore, if I were to leave him, he would ______, for he cannot endure to be separated from me for more than one hour.

单选题Passage 2 Modern lore has it that in England death is imminent, in Canada inevitable and in California optional. Small wonder. Americans' life expectancy has nearly doubled over the past century. Failing hips can be replaced, clinical depression controlled, cataracts removed in a 30-minute surgical procedure. Such advances offer the aging population a quality of life that was unimaginable when I entered medicine 50 years ago. But not even a great health-care system can cure death and our failure to confront that reality now threatens this greatness of ours. Death is normal. We are genetically programmed to disintegrate and perish, even under optimal conditions. We all understand that at some level, yet as medical consumers we treat death as a problem to be solved, shielded by third-party payers from the cost of our care, we demand everything that can possibly be done for us, even if it's futile. The most obvious example is late-stage cancer care. A vast industry pushed for aggressive and expensive therapy for prostate cancer, despite a lack of demonstrable benefit for many patients. Physicians-frustrated by their inability to cure the disease and fearing loss of hope in the patient--too often offer aggressive treatment far beyond what is scientifically justified. Meanwhile, the kind of palliative care provided in hospices is taught derogatorily to medical students as a treatment of last resort. In 1950 the United States spent $12.7 billion, or 4.4 percent of gross domestic product, on health care. In 2002 the cost will be $1.54 trillion--nearly 14 percent of GDP, by far the largest percentage spent by any developed country. Anyone can see that this trend is unsustainable. Yet few seem willing to try to reverse it. Some ethicists conclude that a government with finite resources should simply stop paying for medical care that sustains life beyond a certain age- say 83 or so. Former Colorado governor Richard Lamm has been quoted as saying that the old and infirm "have a duty to die and get out of the way" so that younger, healthier people can realize their potential. I wouldn't go that far. Not long ago similar arguments were used to justify mandatory retirement ages as young as 55 for employees in industry, academia and government. The message was "Step aside--I want your desk and your paycheck." Energetic people now routinely work through their 60s and beyond, and remain dazzlingly productive. At 78, Viacom chairman Sumner Redstone jokingly claims to be 53. Supreme Court Justice Sandra Day O'Connor is in her 70s, and former surgeon general C. Everett Koop chairs an Internet start-up in his 80s. These leaders are living proof that prevention works and that we can manage the maladies that come naturally with age. As a mere 68-year-old, I aspire to age as productively as they have. Yet there are limits to what a society can spend in this pursuit, or should. I've watched as the lives of my family members and friends have been painfully prolonged. It's a stark contrast with the inexpensive and compassionate deaths of my parents a generation ago. As a medical consumer, I may want Medicare to buy me multiple coronary bypass operations or a desperate round of bone-marrow transplantation. As a taxpaying citizen, I know--intellectually, if not emotionally--that the value of such measures must be weighed against other social goods, such as housing, defense and education, And as a physician, I know the most costly and dramatic measures may be ineffective and painful. I also know that people in Japan and Sweden, countries that spend far less on medical care, have achieved longer, healthier lives than we have. As a nation, we may be overfunding the quest for unlikely cures while underfunding research on humbler therapies that could improve peoples' lives. For example, the field of alternative and complementary medicine receives just 0.5 percent chunk of the National Institutes of Health budget. To create a humane system of health care, we must acknowledge that death and dying are not themselves the enemies. As the post-World War Ⅱ British epidemiologist Archie Cochrane once observed, cures in medicine are rare, but the need for "care"--attention and reassurance from approachable, sympathetic physicians and caregivers--is widespread. Cochrane worried that by pursuing cures at all cost, we would restrict the supply of care that patients can receive. This is precisely the crisis of contemporary medicine: billions for cures, and pennies for care. Medicine can accomplish great things for the generation now passing 50, but only if we're wise enough not to ask too much of it.

单选题Judgment was suspended till the following Monday because of the lack of evidence. A. changed B. discussed C. postponed D. informed

单选题Throughout the nineteenth century and into the twentieth, citizens of the United States maintained a bias against big cities. Most lived on farms and in small towns and believed cities to be centers of corruption, crime, poverty, and moral degradation. Their distrust was caused, in part, by a national ideology they proclaimed farming the greatest occupation and rural living superior to urban living. This attitude prevailed even as the number of urban dwellers increased and cities became an essential feature of the national landscape. Gradually, economic reality overcame ideology. Thousands abandoned the precarious life on the farm for more secure and better paying jobs in the city. But when these people migrated from the countryside, they carried their fears and suspicious with them. These new urbanities, already convinced that cities were overwhelmed with great problems, eagerly embrace the progressive reforms that promised to bring order out of the chaos of the city. One of many reforms came in the area of public utilities. Water and sewerage systems were usually operated by municipal governments, but the gas and electric networks were privately owned. Reformers feared that the privately owned utility companies would charge exorbitant rates for these essential services and deliver them only to people who could afford them. Some city and state governments responded by regulating the utility companies, but a number of cities began to supply these services themselves. Proponents of these reforms argued that public ownership and regulation would insure widespread access to these utilities and guarantee a fair price. While some reforms focused on government and public behavior, others looked at the cities as a whole. Civic leaders, convinced that physical environment influenced human behavior, argued that cities should develop master plans to guide their future growth and development. City planning was nothing new, but the rapid industrialization and urban growth of the late nineteenth century took place without any consideration for order. Urban renewal in the twentieth century followed several courses. Some cites introduced plans to completely rebuild the city core. Most other cities contented themselves with zoning plans for regulating future growth. Certain parts of town were restricted to residential use, while others were set aide for industrial or commercial development.

单选题Although punctual himself, Dr. Smith was quite used ______ late for the appointments.

单选题Among the most enduring of all horrors is the prospect of a slow, painful death. Those who witness the protracted terminal illness of a friend or relative often view the eventual death more as a relief than a tragedy. But to make life-or-death decisions on behalf of a dying person unable to communicate his or her wishes is to enter a moral and legal minefield. Could a doctor be sued for withholding treatment and allowing someone to dieor for not allowing him or her to die? Could it ever be lawful to withhold food and water? Legal moves are afoot which may settle these questions. Recently, a group on voluntary euthanasia proposed legislation to make documents known as "Advance Directives", or Living Wills, legally binding. An Advance Directive sets out the kind of medical treatment a person wishes to receive, or not receive, should he or she ever be in a condition that prevents them expressing those wishes. Such documents, much in vogue in the US and some Commonwealth countries, are becoming increasingly popular in Britain. A clear distinction must be drawn between actions requested by an Advance Directive, and active euthanasia, or "mercy killing". A doctor who took a positive step such as giving a lethal injection-to help a patient die would, as the law stands, be guilty of murder or aiding and abetting suicide, depending on the circumstances. An Advance Directive, however, requests only passive euthanasia: the withholding of medical treatment aimed solely at sustaining the life of a patient who is terminally ill or a vegetable. The definition of medical treatment, in such circumstances, can include food and water. The enforceability of the Advance Directive stems from the notion, long accepted in English law, that a person who is both old enough to make an informed decision and compos mentis, is entitled to refuse any medical treatment offered by a doctor, even if that refusal leads to the person's death. A doctor who forces treatment on a patient against his or her wishes is, therefore, guilty of an assault. Case law exists in the US and several Commonwealth countries that extends this right of autonomy over one's life to patients who write an Advance Directive refusing treatment and subsequently lose their previously made instructions any differently.

单选题When DK says "I wish I knew the answer to that," what he wants to mean is ______.

单选题{{B}}Passage One{{/B}} More than a quarter of American children--and half of black children--belong to families too poor to fully qualify for the ＄1,000-a-year child tax credit, which President Bush signed four years ago and has cited in arguing that his program of sweeping tax cuts helps low-income families, a new study has found. With an annual value of $47 billion, the credit is the government's largest children's subsidy and one that has provoked sharp partisan fights. Many conservatives, viewing it solely as a tax cut, want to reserve the credit for families that owe federal income tax. Many liberals, vie-wing it as a broader children's allowance, want to extend it to poorer workers, who they say need it most. Still, the study found that the families of 19.5 million children were too poor to receive the full ＄1,000 benefit. About half get a partial benefit, and half get nothing. Newt Gingrich, the former Republican House speaker, expressed surprise at the racial gap. "That's a stunning number," he said, referring to the half of black children who fail to receive the full credit. "I'd find a way to make sure those kids get the money as part of a broader post-Hurricane Katrina plan." Framed as middle-class tax relief, the credit passed in 1997 and offered ＄500 per child to families that owed income tax. It was doubled in 2001 and made partly available to families too poor to have income tax bills. Len Burman, a co-director of the tax center and the study's author, said it might actually exaggerate the amount going to the poor since it assumed all eligible families received the credit. In practice, studies suggest that poor and minority families claim tax credits at lower rates. Told of the study, which will be published Monday, some conservatives repeated their opposition to making the credit more of an antipoverty program. Mr. Mitchell said that low-wage workers received a total of ＄39 billion a year from a similar program, the earned income tax credit. "It's not like they're not getting any redistribution from the government," he said. "We want less income redistribution, not more." Both sides in child tax credit debate have cast their arguments in moral terms. "The income gap is wide and growing," Ms. Snowe said. "We're talking about giving a helping hand to families who through no fault of their own are at or near poverty." Mr. Mitchell of the Heritage Foundation said income redistribution was morally problematic, since it punished people for economic success. He also called it economically inefficient, arguing that it discouraged work among both rich and poor.

单选题In a competitive and fast-paced modern society, busy business executives are so______their work that they hardly know what the word leisure means.

单选题Two trucks were reported to have ______head-on yesterday.(2002年武汉大学考博试题)

单选题He did not relish appealing amongst his friends and ______ of their criticism or censure.

单选题A briefcase full of counterfeit money was found on the counter. A. forged B. currency C. substituted D. cash