改错题一个中国有意义的地方。(暨南大学2016)

改错题到四川大学学习离现在已经整整四年了。(四川大学2014)

改错题对人对事都不能主观、偏见。

改错题你现在还不清楚自己想去北京或者上海吗?(北京师范大学2015)

改错题我把事情想弄明白。

改错题他每次考试都得了第一名。(暨南大学2017)

改错题他把一杯茶喝就出去。(复旦大学2015)

改错题他猜对那个孩子准是小陈的弟弟。

改错题这个房间比南极更冷。(西南大学2015)

改错题墨西哥的亡灵节是最代表墨西哥文化特色的传统风俗节日之一。(北京大学2015)

______, he could not lift the weight.

This Bob Dylan ______ includes some rare recordings of his best songs.

There was a traffic jam; otherwise I ______ here on time.

"When more and more people are thrown out of work, unemployment results," Calvin Coolidge once observed. As the U. S. economy crumbles, Coolidge's silly maxim might appear to be as apt as ever: the number of unemployment insurance claims is rising, and overall joblessness is creeping upward. But in today's vast and complex labor market, things aren't always what they seem. More and more people are indeed losing their jobs but not necessarily because the economy appears to be in recession. And old-fashioned unemployment isn't the inevitable result of job loss. New work, at less pay, often is. Call it new-wave unemployment: structural changes in the economy are overlapping the business downturn, giving joblessness a grim new twist. Small wonder that the U.S. unemployment rate is rising. Now at 5.7 percent, it is widely expected to edge toward 7 percent by the end of next year. But statistics alone can't fully capture a complex reality. The unemployment rate has been held down by slow growth in the labor force—the number of people working or looking for work—since few people sense attractive job opportunities in a weak economy. In addition, many more people are losing their jobs than are actually ending up unemployed. Faced with hungry mouths to feed, thousands of women, for example, are taking two or more part-time positions or agreeing to shave the hours they work in service-sector jobs. For better and for worse, work in America clearly isn't what it used to be. Now unemployment isn't, either. Like sour old wine in new bottles, this downturn blends a little of the old and the new reflecting a decade's worth of change in the dynamic U. S. economy. Yet, in many respects the decline is following the classic pattern, with new layoffs concentrated among blue-collar workers in the most "cyclical" industries, whose ups and downs track the economy most closely. As the downturn attracts attention on workers' ill fortunes, some analysts predict that political upheaval may lie ahead. Real wages for the average U. S. worker peaked in 1973 and have been falling almost ever since. As aresult, a growing group of downwardly mobile Americans could soon begin pressing policymakers to help produce better-paying jobs. Just how loud the outcry becomes will depend partly on the course of the recession. But in the long run, there's little doubt that the bleak outlook for jobs and joblessness is "politically, socially and psychologically dynamite". Why does the author refer to Coolidge's maxim as silly?

I have read all the magazines ______ you gave me.

"PLEASE don't take your organs to heaven

John's score on the test is the highest in the class. He ______.

President Wilson attempted to ______ between the powers to end the war, but neither side was prepared to give in.

I apologize if I ______ you

Anyone believing the global economic crisis to be over should have taken a look around Europe this week. Desperate to revive his country's feeble economy, Irish Finance Minister Brian Lenihan promised $6 billion worth of savings in a budget aimed at taming the country's stubborn deficit. The plan is his second budget this year, and Ireland's harshest in decades. In a mini-budget announced a couple of hours earlier, Britain's Alistair Darling unveiled his government's latest plan to fix the U. K.'s broken economy, including a punitive tax on bankers' bonuses, a rise in social security contributions and a cap on public-sector workers' pay. In other parts of Europe, things are looking even worse. Shares on the Greek stock market have fallen 9% over the past two days. The parlous state of Greece's public finances has prompted credit-rating agency Fitch to lower the country's debt rating to BBB+, the lowest in the euro zone, Europe's single-currency region. Further blows could follow: rival agencies Moody's and Standard Poor's have threatened similar moves in recent days. Two weeks after Dubai stunned investors by requesting a standstill on $60 billion in liabilities belonging to its main corporate arm, Greece's downgrade is yet more evidence that the economic crisis is far from over. For countries left to fill gaping holes in their public finances exposed by the meltdown, there's plenty of pain still to come. Nowhere more so than Greece. Years of debt-fueled consumption and lax fiscal policies have left the country drowning in red ink. National debt is expected to rise to 125% of GDP in 2010, the highest in the euro zone. "If you want an example of a political élite that thought membership of the euro zone was a panacea," says Simon Tilford, chief economist at the Centre for European Reform in London, "you don't need to look further than Greece. They're in very serious trouble." Getting out of it won't be easy. Jean-Claude Trichet, president of the European Central Bank, which sets interest rates for the euro zone's 16 countries, urged the country on Monday, Dec. 7, to take "courageous" steps to tackle the crisis. Greek Finance Minister George Papaconstantinou, part of the socialist government that won power in the country last October, duly pledged to do "whatever is required" to shore up the country's finances. Key to the recovery plan: slashing Greece's budget deficit next year from 12.7%—more than four times the level allowed under E. U. rules—to 9.1%. While that has triggered revenue-raising measures like a crackdown on tax evasion, there's little sign of the deep spending cuts the country needs to rebalance its books. What's more, reviving growth will mean shifting from an economy founded on domestic consumption to one driven by exports. "That's going to be extremely difficult, given that the Greeks have allowed their cost competitiveness within the euro zone to erode massively," says Tilford. "We're still seeing big increases in Greece's wages." Contrast that with Ireland. Since losing its edge in Europe—rising labor costs helped the country's share of euro-zone exports fall one-fifth between 2001 and 2008—the Irish haven't shied from cutting their cloth in recent months. In his budget announced Dec. 9, for instance, Lenihan unleashed deeply unpopular cuts in public-sector pay that look set to trigger strike action. But when it comes to a spending squeeze of their own, says Tilford, "the Greeks are a long way from recognizing that they really have no choice." That surely irks the E. U., which is limited in the amount of help—or punishment—it can impose on Greece. Allowing the country to default, or to approach to the International Monetary Fund for emergency funds, would deal a huge blow to the credibility of the 11-year-old euro zone. Whatever financial concessions it can offer, therefore, will almost certainly come with stiff conditions. Greece may have little option but to accept. Which of the following is NOT the measure taken to improve U. K.'s economy?