There is probably no life of our type in the solar system outside Earth itself

The compositions contained so few errors that the teacher got the students ______ one another's papers.

When a human infant is born into any community in any part of the world it has two things in common

It is the first book of this kind ______ I've ever read.

If your car ______ any attention during the first 12 months, take it to an authorized dealer.

Not only you and I but Peter

The vast majority of people in any given culture will ______ to the established standards of that culture.

Using tanks and heavy ______

She ______ through the pages of a magazine

Women are getting unhappier

After years of negotiation

America has now adopted more ______ European-style inspection systems, and the incidence of food poisoning is falling.

You see the lightening ______ it happens

In World War Ⅱ

The Managing Director said that improving relations with the association would not be easy, but that they ______ to try.

How close parents are to their children ______ a strong influence on the character of the children.

John is ______ hardworking than his sister

They were ______ in their scientific research

A long-held view of the history of the English colonies that became the United States has been that England's policy toward these colonies before 1763 was dictated by commercial interests and that a change to a more imperial policy, dominated by expansionist militarist objectives, generated the tensions that ultimately led to the American Revolution. In a recent study, Stephen Saunders Webb has presented a formidable challenge to this view. According to Webb, England already had a military imperial policy for more than a century before the American Revolution. He sees Charles Ⅱ, the English monarch between 1660 and 1685, as the proper successor of the Tudor monarchs of the sixteenth century and of Oliver Cromwell, all of whom were bent on extending centralized executive power over England's possessions through the use of what Webb calls "garrison government." Garrison government allowed the colonists a legislative assembly, but real authority, in Webb's view, belonged to the colonial governor, who was appointed by the king and supported by the "garrison" that is, by the local contingent of English troops under the colonial governor's command. According to Webb, the purpose of garrison government was to provide military support for a royal policy designed to limit the power of the upper classes in the American colonies. Webb argues that the colonial legislative assemblies represented the interest not of the common people but of the colonial upper class, a coalition of merchants and nobility who favored self-rule and sought to elevate legislative authority at the expense of the executive. It was, according to Webb, the colonial governors who favored the small farmer, opposed the plantation system, and tried through taxation to break up large holdings of land. Backed by the military presence of the garrison, these governors tried to prevent the gentry and merchants, allied in the colonial assemblies, from transforming colonial America into a capitalistic oligarchy. Webb's study illuminates the political alignments that existed in the colonies in the century prior to the American Revolution, but his view of the crown's use of the military as an instrument of colonial policy is not entirely convincing. England during the seventeenth century was not noted for its military achievements. Cromwell did mount England's most ambitious overseas military expedition in more than a century, but it proved to be an utter failure. Under Charles II, the English army was too small to be a major instrument of government. Not until the war with France in 1697 did William III persuade Parliament to create a professional standing army, and Parliament's price for doing so was to keep the army under tight legislative control. While it may be true that the crown attempted to curtail the power of the colonial upper classes, it is hard to imagine how the English army during the seventeenth century could have provided significant military support for such a policy. The passage can best be described as a ______.

When we credit the successful people with intelligence, physical strength or great luck, we are making excuses for ourselves because we fall ______ in all three.