单选题WhichofthefollowingCANNOTbeusedasanadverbial?
单选题Which of the following writers is not the representative of Modernism in the 20th century?[A] James Joyce.[B] Joseph Conrad.[C] Virginia Woof.[D] Thomas Hardy.
单选题
{{B}}21ST CENTURY CONSUMER{{/B}} Here's a
statistical snapshot of the American consumer: Median income, at $ 40,816 per
household, is more princely than almost any nation's, and many of us have the
stuff to show for it. But we also have record levels of credit-card debt, and we
make more trash than ever. And the typical family has only $ 71,600 in assets,
including equity in the family home. This list comes from recent government and
industry data.{{B}}WHAT WE DO{{/B}}Jobs. Men work about 42 hours a week;
women, 36 hours. In 53 percent of married couples, both spouses work.TV. The
TV is on 7 hours and 29 minutes a day at home. Viewing ranges from 3 hours for
teens to 5 hours for women over 18.See advertising. The average American is
exposed to 247 commercial messages each day.Eat. 928 meals per year at home,
up from 917 a year earlier; 141 meals at restaurants, up from 139 the year
before.10 million U.S. households (10 percent) were "food insecure," or did
not always have enough food to meet basic needs.Prepare meals. Families
spend 16 minutes to a half-hour a day; singles, 15 minutes or less.Buy more
stuff. The typical American spends about 3 hours a week hunting and gathering in
stores.Make music. 40 percent of households have two or more members who
play a musical instrument; 53 percent of households own an
instrument.Travel. 66 million pleasure trips; 17 million business trips--76
percent by auto, 18 percent by air, the rest by train, bus, or ship. Typical
trip length: 1 to 2 nights. Favorite activity: shopping.Make messy. Each
American generates 4.46 pounds of municipal waste per day, 66 Percent more than
in 1960.Think about getting rid of stuff. 101 million adults have used
items--worth an estimated $87 each—that they'd like to sell.Volunteer. 56
percent of American adults donate 3 1/2 hours each week to nonprofit
groups.{{B}}WHAT WE OWN{{/B}}Houses. 67.7 percent of American households own
a home. About 1 percent have no bathroom, while 38 percent have 2 or
more.2.3 million people, or 1 percent of the U.S. population, are likely to
experience a spell of homelessness at least once during a year.Wheels. 92
percent of households own autos or motorcycles; 60 percent have more than
one. The typical car is 9.4 years old and uses 548 gallons of gas a
year.Appliances. 99.8 percent of households have a refrigerator; 93 percent,
a microwave oven; 81 percent, a washing machine; 81 percent, a blender; 78
percent, an automatic coffee maker; 76 percent, a fan 57 percent, a dishwasheri
50 percent, an outdoor gas grill; 47 percent, a food processor;45 percent, a
garbage disposal;32 percent, room air conditioners;21 percent, a coffee grinder;
12 percent, a pulsating shower head; and 2 percent, an aromatherapy
machine.TV sets. We have 2.4 TVs per household. 60 percent of teens, 48
percent of schoolchildren, and 24 percent of toddlers have a TV set in their
bedroom. Computers.There are 1.2 per home for offline households, and 1.5 for
the 45 percent of households tied in to the Internet.Telephones. About
17 percent of households have more than 1 phone line.Cell phones. More than
105 million subscribe. Pets. We have 59 million cats, 56 million fish, 53
million dogs, 13 million birds, 6 million rabbits and ferrets, 4.8 million
rodents, and 4 million reptiles, on which we spend $23 billion
yearly.Allowances. Nearly half of all kids get an allowance. Average weekly
take: $5.82.
单选题The form of a given language used in a certain geographical space is called ______.A. style B. dialect C. register D. pidgin
单选题The national flag of the USA is called "Stars and Stripes", with ______ stars and ______ horizontal stripes on it. A. 51, 12 B. 50, 13 C. 51, 15 D. 50, 12
单选题{{B}}TEXT D{{/B}}
Researchers in many countries have
observed that middle class children as a group are more successful in the
educational system than working class children. More of the former, for example,
reach college. Professor Basil Bernstein of the University of London has argued
that there is a link between social class and educational failure and that this
link is language. In a series of papers published from 1958 to 1973 Bernstein
has developed a theory of the "structure and process of cultural transmission,"
or socialization, part of which may be summarized as follows.
One characteristic of many (but not all) working class families is that
the status of different members of the family is clearly defined; the authority
of the father, for instance, derives from the fact that he is the father. This
type of family Bernstein calls positional, and he contrasts it with the
person-centered family type, more common (although not omnipresent) in the
middle classes. In the latter, status, authority and interpersonal relationships
are "negotiated" according to the unique characteristics of each family member.
This negotiation, or lack of it, is reflected linguistically. The following
conversation might take place in a positional family: Child: Can
I have an ice cream? Mother: No. Child: Why
not? Mother: Because I said so. In order to
justify her refusal of the child's request, the mother resorts to her authority
as mother. The equivalent exchange in a "person-centered" family
might go like this. Child: Can I have an ice cream?
Mother: No. Child: Why not? Mother:
Because if you have an ice cream now, you won't want your lunch later
on. This time an attempt is made to justify the decision in
logical terms. In both cases a "reason" is given for denying the ice cream, but
the "rational" nature of the explanation given by the second mother leads her to
the explicit expression of a statement of condition—"if you have an ice cream
now"—and result—"you won't want your lunch later on." Now
Bernstein is not saying that middle class parents are more rational or
articulate or intelligent than working class parents. He notes, however, that if
this sort of difference distinguishes a large proportion of the conversations
these two children hear in their childhood, then it is reasonable to expect the
middle class child to enter school, at age five or six, with the ability to
understand and produce a more varied linguistic repertoire, a more "elaborated
code" than his working class school friend. The latter may be just as
intelligent, but he will probably possess a more "restricted" linguistic
code. Bernstein also recognizes that not all middle class
parents' interactions with their children will be like the (imaginary) example
quoted, nor all working class parents' conversations with their children like
the second (imaginary) example. He argues that the middle class child, however,
is more likely to reach school age with mastery of both codes, restricted and
elaborated. Many (but not all) working class children, on the other hand, will
possess the "restricted code" only. This may be just as rich and powerful
linguistically, just as complex, just as adequate as a means of expression, but
it is not the language of the (often middle class) teacher, of books, of
schools, or, more generally, of educational success. There are
several problems with Bernstein's theory, even in its complete form. In common
with other critics, Labov has noted the vagueness of the notion of "code" and,
with another population, shown how differences in the speech elicited from
working class and middle class subjects are sometimes the product of the
elicitation procedures themselves. Rosen has attacked what he sees as the
confused political definitions of several of Bernstein's central concepts,
including social class, and the lack of linguistic data with which to support
his theoretical claims. Trudgill suggests that the linguistic differences found
by Bernstein and his associates (such as more of less frequent use of
prepositions, impersonal pronouns, varied adjectives and adverbs, and passives)
do not reflect two linguistic codes but simply differences in
style.
单选题{{B}}TEXT D{{/B}} Out in the street at last,
the man stopped running and looked back at the steps of the gallery. The woman
was not following him. All the same, he went across to where the car was parked.
But as there was still no sign of her he didn't drive away. His wife would be
along shortly—she was only picking up odds and ends for the kids at some shop
around the corner where there was a closing-down sale. What a fool he was to
have gone into the cursed gallery. Just because he had found a parking place
opposite it! If he'd bought an evening paper and waited for Annie in the car
he'd have saved himself a nasty fright, because now he felt certain that the
crazy woman could not have been Eterna. Not in those outlandish clothes! Not
with that daft look in her eyes as she strayed from painting to painting,
causing everyone to stare. If it was Eterna, wouldn't he have
noticed her the minute he went into the place, instead of merely turning to see
why other people were staring? Even then, he wouldn't have given the poor soul a
second glance if he hadn't fancied a resemblance. But when he found her eyes
fixed on him he lost his head and ran, although he was vaguely aware, even then,
that her daft gaze had already wandered away from him. That was another thing.
If it was Eterna, wouldn't she have recognized him? It was
mortifying to think that he had lost control to such an extent that he ran.
Supposing one of his patients had been there and seen him. It was unlikely,
though, that anyone up from the country for a precious half day in Dublin would
waste time in the National Gallery. He relaxed. He lit a cigarette and settled
down to wait for Annie. Why had he gone into the gallery at all?
He had probably fallen into a nostalgic mood, thinking of all the exhibitions
he'd attended there before he was qualified and when he still entertained
notions of a practice in Dublin. In those days, going to art exhibitions,
symphony concerts, operas, and that sort of thing seemed as important for his
advancement as going to his lectures. Ah, well, he'd better not tell Annie about
his little adventure. Not that she'd give a damn whether it was Eterna or
not—she'd be concerned only at his having gone into the gallery at all, at his
backsliding into intellectual snobbery, or what she called professional
posturing— "Tommyrot" was the word she had actually used the first time he met
her, or rather the first time they had what could be considered a real
conversation.
单选题{{B}}TEXT C{{/B}}
Britain's east midlands were once the
picture of English countryside, alive with flocks, shepherds, skylarks and
buttercups—the stuff of fairytales. In 1941 George Marsh left school at the age
of 14 to work as a herdsman in Nottinghamshire, the East Midlands countryside
his parents and grandparents farmed. He recalls skylarks nesting in cereal
fields, which when accidentally disturbed would fly singing into the sky. But in
his lifetime, Marsh has seen the color and diversity of his native land fade.
Farmers used to grow about a ton of wheat per acre; now they grow four tons.
Pesticides have killed off the insects upon which skylarks fed, and year-round
harvesting has driven the birds from their winter nests. Skylarks are now rare.
"Farmers kill anything that affects production," says Marsh. "Agriculture is too
efficient." Anecdotal evidence of a looming crisis in
biodiversity is now being reinforced by science. In their comprehensive surveys
of plants, butterflies and birds over the past 20 to 40 years in Britain,
ecologists Jeremy Thomas and Carly Stevens found significant population declines
in a third of all native species. Butterflies are the furthest along—71 percent
of Britain's 58 species are shrinking in number, and some, like the large blue
and tortoiseshell, are already extinct. In Britain's grasslands, a key habitat,
20 percent of all animal, plant and insect species are on the path to
extinction. There's hardly a corner of the country's ecology that isn't affected
by this downward spiral. The problem would be bad enough if it
were merely local, but it's not: because Britain's temperate ecology is similar
to that in so many other parts of the world, it's the best microcosm scientists
have been able to study in detail. Scientists have sounded alarms about species'
extinction in the past, but always specific to a particular animal or
place—whales in the 1980s or the Amazonian rain forests in the 1990s. This time,
though, the implications are much wider. The Amazon is a "biodiversity hot spot"
with a unique ecology. But in Britain, "the main drivers of change are the same
processes responsible for species' declines worldwide," says Thomas. The
findings, published in the journal Science, provide the first clear evidence
that the world is in the throes of a massive extinction. Thomas and Stevens
argue that we are facing a loss of 65 to 95 percent of the world's species, on
the scale of an ice age or the meteorite that may have wiped out the dinosaurs
65 million years ago. If so, this would be only tile sixth time
such devastation had occurred in the past 600 million years. The other five were
associated with one-off events like the ice ages, a volcanic eruption or a
meteor. This time, ecosystems are dying a thousand deaths from overfishing and
the razing of the rain forests, but also from advances in agriculture. The
British study, for instance, finds that one of the biggest problems is nitrogen
pollution. Nitrogen is released when fossil fuels burn in cars and power plants,
but also when ecologically rich heath lands are plowed and fertilizers are
spread. Nitrogen-rich fertilizers fuel the growth of tall grasses, which in turn
overshadow and kill off delicate flowers like harebells and
eyebrights. Even seemingly innocuous practices are responsible
for vast ecological damage. When British farmers stopped feeding horses and
cattle with hay and switched to silage, a kind of preserved short grass, they
eliminated a favorite nesting spot of corncrakes, birds known for their raspy
nightly mating calls; corncrake populations have fallen 76 percent in the past
20 years, The depressing list goes on and on. Many of these
practices are being repeated throughout the world, in one form or another, which
is why scientists believe that the British study has global implications.
Wildlife is getting blander. "We don't know which species are essential to the
web of life so we're taking a massive risk by eliminating any of them," says
David Wed in, professor of ecology at the University of Nebraska. Chances are
we'll be seeing the results of this experiment before too
long.
单选题The Catcher in the Rye is written by ______.A.J.D. SalingerB. Jack LondonC. Flannery O'ConnorD. Saul Bellow
单选题[此试题无题干]
单选题Question 10 is based on the following news. At the end of the news item, you will be given 10 seconds to answer the question. Now listen to the news.
According to the news item, about how many high school graduates are there this year?
单选题Forget about the spurious benefits of eating shark fin soup, a traditional Asian delicacy that is said to be responsible for the needless destruction of some 73 million sharks a year. In Palau, the first country in the world to proclaim a shark sanctuary, the sharks that frequent the Pacific island country's reefs generate enormous financial benefits. A single reef shark can contribute almost US $ 2 million in its lifetime to the economy of Palau. The analysis quantified the economic benefits of the shark-diving industry to the Pacific island nation and found that its value far exceeded that of shark fishing. A research focused on hundreds of reef sharks that frequent the five major dive sites in Palau. The study did not take into account the sharks in Palau waters that do not regularly visit the dive sites. Because of their low rates of reproduction and late maturity, shark populations have been driven into a global decline due to fishing. Yet the study shows that these animals on top of the ecosystem can contribute far more as a tourism resource than as a catch target. Findings from the study, which looked at the reef sharks observed at Palau's major dive sites, include: The estimated annual value to the tourism industry of an individual reef shark that frequents these sites was US $179, 000, or US $1.9 million over its lifetime. Shark diving brings approximately US $18 million annually to the Palauan economy, approximately eight percent of the country's gross domestic product. The annual income in salaries paid by the shark-diving industry was an estimated US $1.2 million; and the annual tax income to Palau generated by shark diving was approximately 14 percent of the country's business tax revenue. Globally, up to 73 million sharks are killed every year primarily for their fins, which are used in the Asian delicacy shark fin soup. The Pacific Island States have been among the first to recognize the danger of this unsustainable rate of consumption. In 2009, Palan President Johnson Toribiong declared Palauan waters to be a shark sanctuary in his address to the United Nations General Assembly. Since then, the US state of Hawaii, the territories of Guam and the Northern Marianas, and the Republic of the Marshall Islands all banned the possession, sale or distribution of shark fins. Shark tourism can be a viable economic engine. Overfishing of sharks can have disastrous effects on ocean ecosystems, but this study provides a compelling case that can convince more countries to embrace these animals for their benefit to the ocean and their value to a country's financial well-being.
单选题The first immigrants in the American history came from______ A. England B. the Netherlands C. France D. both A and B
单选题______ is the second largest city in England, which is metropolitan district and an industrial and manufacturing city. A. Birmingham B. Glasgow C. Manchester D. Edinburgh
单选题[此试题无题干]
单选题The British monarch is the Head of[A] Parliament.[B] Government.[C] State.[D] Cabinet.
单选题{{I}} Questions 1 to 5 are based on an interview. At the end of the interview you will be given 10 seconds to answer each of the following five questions. Now listen to the interview.{{/I}}
单选题Sub-Saharan African countries ______.
单选题Romance, which uses narrative verse or prose to tell stories of ______ adventures or other heroic deeds, is a popular literary form in the medieval period.
单选题If the bidding frenzy over Safeway were any indication, you'd think that big grocery stores had become luxury collectibles. Every one of Britain's top retailers—Tesco, Wal-Mart owned Asda, Morrisons and Sainsburys--are making a play for Safeway, which became a takeover target when sales started lagging at its 480 stores. But the real appeal of Safeway has little to do with the value of its stores: it's about the land they sit on. There's now so little property available for commercial development in Britain, or in Western Europe, that buying old stores is the fastest way to find space for new ones. This explains why European retail is one of the few industries anywhere on the globe that have been generating a steady stream of dealmaking buzz. At a time when global mergers and acquisitions have fallen 81 percent from a 2,000 peak of $ 3.4 trillion, the Safeway deal has been generating headlines since January. The bids, which started at £22.9 billion, are now under review by Britain's Competition Commission, the national trustbuster. Its recommendation could decide the winner. The commercial-land shortage is largely a result of the campaign to prevent the Wal-Martification of Europe. In recent years authorities have imposed stiff limits on the growth of superstores, effectively blocking the opening of new ones in countries from Britain to France, Germany and the Netherlands. Safeway has become a particularly hot commodity in part because many of its stores have the combination of size and location that big-box retailers crave. "There are Safeway stores in this portfolio that will have directors of the other companies salivating," says David Southwel, spokesman for the British Retail Consortium trade group. Gone are the days of the '70s and '80s,when lax zoning laws made it easy to build new stores in Britain, and towns generally welcomed the tax revenue and jobs. According to IGD, a food and-grocery-industry think tank, the number of superstores in Britain shot up from 403 in 1985 to 990 in 1995 but slowed the next year, after passage of new development rules. Designed to protect the economic vitality of town centers, the 1996 rules require developers to demonstrate that a superstore is needed outside town, and there are no available alternatives in the center. "Most of the zoning legislation has got the retailers by the throat," says Haley Meyers, head of European retail research at London based Mintel Research. In the early 1990s Tesco foresaw the end of the building binge, and began snatching up land already approved for retail development. By "land banking" in this way, says Safeway spokesman Kevin Hawkins, big retailers could keep building through the 1990s and sidesiep the red tape. But when land banks run dry, there is little choice but to buy other chains. Last October, Fretail giant Carrefour acquired a further 20 percent stake in Spain's largest retailer, Centro Commerciale Carrefour, for 1 billion. "The food and general retail sector has recently seen a good degree more merger activity than other sectors," says Tim Atten, retail analyst at BNP Paribas. "It's difficult for these players to expand in many countries in Western Europe without buying other stores." It's even more difficult on the Continent than in Britain. German law essentially prohibits stores larger than 1,200 square meters if local authorities object. French law requires strict reviews of stores larger than 300 square meters, and states that preserving the nation's economy, lifestyle and culture must be weighed against any new project. "It's virtually impossible to open a hypermarket in France," says Johanna Water-ous, director at McRinsey Consulting. "The planning laws in France make the ones in the U. K. look like the American Midwest." The real megastore action is moving outside Western Europe. Tesco is now "placing emphasis on other parts of the world, "says a spokesman. Carrefour is heading in the same direction: in 2002, it opened one hypermarket in France and four in Poland.(暂缺第26题)