单选题Isaac Newton was interested in the pyramid's ______.

单选题Accordingtothenews,whokilledthevillagers?

单选题 Questions 9 and 10 are based on the following news item. At the end of the news item, you will be given 10 seconds to answer each question. Now listen to the news.

单选题The metropolitan police force of London is under the direct control of ______.

单选题______ is a major city in the sooth - east of New York state and comprises five boroughs, one of which is Manhattan, the economic and cultural heart of the city. A. New York B. Los Angeles C. Seattle D. Dallas

单选题 In this section you will hear everything ONCE ONLY. Listen carefully and then answer the questions that follow. Mark the correct answer to each question on your ANSWER SHEET. Questions 1 to 5 are based on an interview. At the end of the interview you will be given 10 seconds to answer each of the following five questions. Now listen to the interview.

单选题Cooperation can cure the following EXCEPT ______.

单选题According to Hahn, all the following increase the transmission of AIDS virus EXCEPT ______.

单选题The book that gives a fairly accurate picture of southern plantation life is[A] An American Tragedy.[B] The Call of the Wild.[C] Uncle Tom's Cabin.[D] A Hazard of New Fortunes.

单选题{{B}}TEXT C{{/B}} When Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice stood beside Afghan President Hamid Karzai, she made an enlightened statement about cutting Afghanistan' s opium production, saying: "It is a problem that took a while to develop, and it will take time to end the problem." Rice's statement in March is the clearest confirmation yet of a gradual turn in U.S. policy since early 2004, when the Bush administration and Congress were calling for an immediate crackdown on Afghanistan's biggest cash crop. Her statement shows the United States' new patience and acceptance that it will take time for a democratic Afghanistan to eliminate opium production. When the United States earlier pushed Karzai to immediately end opium production in his war-tom country—without instituting the repressive tactics that historically have led to rapid success—the United States was giving the Afghan leader a virtually impossible task. Afghanistan could please the United States only by aggressive action that would further impoverish its already poor population and undermine the government's legitimacy. The Taliban announced a ban on growing poppies—the source of opium—in Afghanistan in July 2000, saying this reflected the teachings of the Koran. Already feared by Afghans for its brutality, the Taliban achieved compliance with its poppy ban by tearing up the fields of a few early producers who violated the ban, thereby showing that the government was serious. The result of the Taliban's order was a dramatic reduction in Afghan opium production, which fell from 3,600 tons in 2000 to just 185 tons in 2001. This caused world opium production to fall by more than 60 percent. This wasn't the first time that large and rapid reductions in opium production have been achieved by massive government repression. When the Communists took power in China in 1949, the nation was a major opium producer and suffered from what may have been the world's worst opium consumption problem. Within two years of a police crackdown on opium production and consumption—resulting in mass executions and imprisonments—opium production and use had essentially disappeared in China The Islamic Revolution in 1979 in Iran used some of the same police-state tactics as China to eliminate the large production and consumption of opium that had prevailed under the role of the shah of Iran. This year there may be yet another, slightly less dramatic instance of successful reduction. Myanmar, formerly known as Burma, is the world's second-largest producer of opium. A rebel movement, the United Wa State Army, has control of the major poppy-growing areas and has already reduced production by three-quarters in the past six years, with a realistic promise to end production by June this year. It has accomplished this mostly by forcible relocation of some 100,000 peasant farming families who grow poppies. But if Afghanistan's current government resorted to the tactics of the Taliban, the Chinese Communists, Iran's dictatorship and the rebels in Myanmar to end opium production, it would tightly be condemned by the United States and other democratic nations. This is because in each of the successful crackdowns on opium, authorities relied on methods that are simply not acceptable in a democratic nation, no matter how noble the purpose. The success of anti-opium campaigns in more politically open settings is much more gradual. Thailand, once a major world opium producer, is the leading example. A combination of general economic development and targeted programs—both crop substitution and law enforcement- led Thailand to almost end its opium production over a period of more than a decade. Pakistan, also a formerly significant producer, has managed to almost en6rely exit opium production over a similar period, notwithstanding a recent upturn in poppy harvests. Going after traffickers rather than farmers, albeit politically much more acceptable, is even more difficult. Few governments, authoritarian or otherwise, have had a high degree of success in this arena. While ending poppy production. Iran and Pakistan are still major drug traffickers. The recent Thai crackdown, with the extra-judicial killing of 2,000 drag dealers in less than a year, seems to have lessened domestic drug use but does not offer a helpful model for a democracy-building Afghanistan. Secretary Rice's call for patience in the fight against opium production in Afghanistan shows an acceptance of the dilemma Afghanistan faces and is an encouraging indication that the U.S. government has learned from history.

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单选题Noah Webster was a _________ .A. novelistB. poetC. lexicographerD. essayist

单选题Sue Kirchofer got a preview of what was to come when she tried to change the beneficiary on her life insurance policy at work from her mother to her partner in early 1994. She was told that wasn't an option. Kirchofer had worked at the industrial packaging and supply company in Seattle for nearly three years by then but was just beginning to come out about her sexuality. "They basically told me to remain invisible," she says. Kirchofer duly kept mute about her sexual orientation at work. But a few months later, word got out that Kirchofer, a skilled soccer player, would be playing in the Gay Games in New York, an international competition that attracted more than 11,000 athletes from around the world. When she returned to work the week after the games, she was told she no longer had a job. Kirchofer had always received good marks on her job performance reviews, and had even been promoted. "I offered to take another job within the company at a lower salary, since (the owner) said the money he was paying me was causing the company to take a loss," she recalls, though she says she knew what he said wasn't true. The owner's response, according to Kirchofer, "We don't want you in any capacity at this company. " Kirchofer was terminated, effective immediately—without severance or warning. "I was blindsided," she says, "Even as I relay it now, it is still a devastating thing to recount. To fire someone based only on sexual orientation, not job performance, is a horrific thing to have happened. " However, last week, a Senate panel passed a bill whose first version appeared more than 25 years ago and which has since been reincarnated in various forms, including legislation that failed by one vote in the Senate in 1996. This time, there are 43 cosponsors in the Senate for the Employment Non-Discrimination Act (ENDA), which specifically prohibits employment discrimination of any kind on the basis of sexual orientation. The bill also has 190 cosponsors in the House of Representatives, 21 of them Republicans. And it has received endorsements from an unprecedented number of major U.S. corporations ranging from Microsoft to Harley- Davidson. Records show Kirchofer's case was reviewed by the city's human-rights department in 1995, which found in her favor. Bronstein could not reveal more details but Kirchofer says her company was asked to pay her $ 1,000, which she donated to charity. Her ex-employer was also required to attend a diversity workshop. Kirchofer says she felt vindicated by the city's support. Without a federal law, say Kirchofer and other advocates, many employers know that they can get away with discrimination without fear of much penalty. More than half of all Fortune 500 companies have adopted a policy against sexual-orientation harassment or discrimination, says Jon Davidson, senior counsel at Lamba Legal, a national organization that promotes civil rights for homosexuals. "It shows that they support the concept, which is great," he adds. " But in terms of whether the policies are efficient, well, there's not much you can do about it if the internal procedures are inadequate. " Last year, Lamba Legal reported nearly 700 phone calls in with complaints related to sexual-orientation discrimination at work—second only to calls related to family matters. And Davidson says that number is just a fraction of the actual cases out there, as many people don't report incidences of harassment or discrimination against them, feeling that filing a complaint would be futile. "One of the needs for a national law is that in the states where discrimination is most prevalent, you are least likely to get an antidiscrimination law passed," adds Davidson, "Right now, we have a patchwork of protections, and it's not right that people could be subjected to discrimination in some parts of the country without any redress. We need a national law that protects all workers—no employee should be denied equal treatment at work because of whom they love. " Most Americans seem to agree. In a Newsweek poll last week, 85 percent of Americans said there should be equal rights for gays and lesbians in terms of job opportunities—up from 59 percent in a Newsweek poll conducted in 1982. And a nationwide Harris Interactive poll taken in June 2001 found that 61 percent of Americans favored a federal law prohibiting job discrimination based on sexual orientation. The 2001 survey also found that 42 percent of adults surveyed believe that such a law currently exists.

单选题In Britain in the middle of the eighteenth century, requisite conditions were in evidence for making that nation the first great industrial country, "the workshop of the world". Already enjoying a vigorous commercial economy, Britain experienced a tremendous population growth and increasing trade at home and abroad. The population boom is attributed to several circumstances in Britain at that time. Good harvests had produced abundant and therefore cheaper food. The plague years were over, probably as a result of improved water supplies and the availability of soap. With opportunities for work in industry, people were marrying younger and producing larger families for whom they could earn the means to provide. The death rate dropped, and the population in- creased. Labor was thus accessible for the development of an industrial society. Industry's need for fuel sparked expansion in coal mining. Production of iron depended upon coal smelting, which produced cheap iron for machines and buildings. The iron industry moved to the central and northern sections of Britain for coal. Following the invention and improvement of the steam engine, water power was supplanted by steam power with its ensuing requirement of access to coal fields. Britain's foremost industries were wool and cotton weaving. Between 1733 and 1789, a series of ingenious labor-saving machines were invented. They would dispense with water power and rely on steam for increased production. Kay's flying shuttle made it possible to widen cloth and doubled production as well. Hargreaves' spinning jenny, a cotton-spinning machine that replaced the spinning wheel, and Cartwright's power loom rejuvenated both the cotton and wool industries. Once the countryside was dotted with mills beside rivers and streams, but the need for coal drove the textile industry into the North where it continues to operate to this day. Industrialization was complemented by a dynamic approach to cheap transportation. A network of canals was constructed and covered 2,000 miles by 1815. The canal system reduced coal prices and provided easier access to raw materials and markets. Furthermore, a man named Macadam had the idea of solidifying roads with small stones, so road traffic was made easier. This period of British industrial expansion is called the Industrial Revolution. The rapid change in the nation's economy was effected by the steam engine and various power-driven machines. Never again would England be an agricultural nation.

单选题{{B}}TEXT E{{/B}} Some recent historians have argued that life in the British colonies in America from approximately 1763 to 1789 was marked by internal conflicts among colonists. Inheritors of some of the viewpoints of early twentieth century Progressive historians such as Beard and Becker, these recent historians have put forward arguments that deserve evaluation. The kind of conflict most emphasized by these historians is class conflict. Yet with the Revolutionary War dominating these years, how does one distinguish class conflict within that larger conflict? Certainly not by the side a person supported. Although many of these historians have accepted the earlier assumption that Loyalists represented an upper class, new evidence indicates that Loyalists, like rebels, were drawn from all socioeconomic class. (It is nonetheless probably true that a larger percentage of the well-to do joined the Loyalists than joined the rebels.) Looking at the rebels side, we find little evidence for the contention that lower-class rebels were in conflict with upper-class rebels, indeed, the war effort against Britain tended to suppress class conflicts. Where it did not, the disputing rebels of one or another class usually became Loyalists. Loyalism thus operated as a safety valve to remove socioeconomic discontent that existed among the rebels. Disputes occurred, of course, among those who remained on the rebel side, but the extraordinary social mobility of eighteenth -- century American society (with the obvious exception of slaves) usually prevented such disputes from hardening along class lines. Social structure was in fact so fluid -- though recent statistics suggest a narrowing of economic opportunity as the latter half of the century progressed -- that to talk about social classes at all requires the use of loose economic categories such as rich, poor, and middle class, or eighteenth-century designations like" the better sort." Despite these vague categories one should not claim unequivocally that hostility between recognizable classes cannot be legitimately observed. Outside of New York, however, there were very few instances of openly expressed class antagonism. Having said this, however, one must add that there is much evidence to support the further claim of recent historians that sectional conflicts were common between 1763 and 1789. The" Paxton Boys" incident and the Regulator movement are representative examples of the widespread, and justified, discontent of western settlers against colonial or state governments dominated by eastern interests. Although undertones of class conflict existed beneath such hostility, the opposition was primarily geographical. Sectional conflict -- which also existed between North and South -- deserves further investigation. In summary, historians must be careful about the kind of conflict they emphasize in eighteenth-century American. Yet those who stress the achievement of a general consensus among the colonists cannot fully understand the consensus without understanding the conflicts that had to be overcome or repressed in order to reach it.

单选题Which of tile following is tree about driving on an automated high way ?

单选题Which of the following writers is a novelist of the 20th century? A. John Keats B. Charles Lamb C. Walter Scott D. James Joyce

单选题______ is the effect of language in which the intended meaning is the opposite of what is stated. A. Metaphor B. Simile C. Personification D. Irony

单选题______is the most important writer of the 17th century in English literature.A. William Shakespeare B. Geoffrey ChaucerC. John Milton D. Christopher Marlowe

单选题An extreme example of a federal system is the one adopted in the 1970s in Yugoslavia, known as workers' self-management. Primary power was given to individual factories and other places of work, each managed by a board of directors that would establish policy for investments, prices, profits, wages, and so on. Each board of directors, elected by the workers, would answer to a workers' council, consisting of all workers in the company. Representatives selected from the community's different workers' councils would meet together in a local assembly. In this way, the fundamental decisions concerning the community would be made by local workers. The system also included a second branch of the local assembly comprising officials elected by all of the people. The local units of government, known as communes, were grouped into six republics. An important purpose of this federal system was to. protect the rights of its different nationalities. There is a saying in Yugoslavia that roughly translates as follows; Yugoslavia has seven neighbors, six republics, five nationalities, four languages, three religions, two alphabets, and one dinar. Yugoslavia's political fragmentation has long been a source of problems. Nationalities other than the five officially recognized claim they are victims of discrimination. For example, 90 percent of the residents of the southern region of Kosovo are Albanians, but Yugoslavia does not recognize Albanian as a distinct nationality. Kosovo's official status is an autonomous region administered by Serbia, but in recent years Serbia has taken over direct rule of the region, under the pretext that the Albanians were threatening to detach Kosovo from Yugoslavia and unite it with the neighboring state Of Albania. A similar situation has existed in Vojvodian, another autonomous region administered by Serbia, where ethnic Hungarians lack official recognition as one of Yugoslavia' s nationalities. Another problem for Yugoslavia has been competition among republics for resources, rather than cooperation to develop the country's economy as a whole. For example, from the viewpoint of international competitiveness, Yugoslavia should concentrate its resources to modernize and expand one large port, but each republic has wanted its own port. Instead of one large port, Yugoslavia has had several medium-sized ones that are less successful at attracting foreign trade. Regional cooperation has also been hurt by economic differences among the republics. Slovenia, which borders Austria and Italy and contains only about 8 percent of Yugoslavia's population, has generally produced about 18 percent of the gross national product and 25 percent of the exports. With average incomes twice the national level, Slovenes have estimated that one-fourth of their production goes to subsidizing the economies of the poorer republics in the south.