单选题A: How annoying! I can"t come up with an answer to that problem. Can you give me a hand? B: ______

单选题The passage is mainly written to ______

单选题A: Would you mind checking my spelling and punctuation in this literature here, please? B: ______

单选题Building on the base of evidence and interpretation in Hansen"s (1994) qualitative study of working people"s diaries, we assigned each diarist a set of codes to indicate employment, marital status, number of children, and size of the town in which he or she lived. To analyze the number, location and gender mix of visiting occasions, we coded each day in January and July for every year of the diary, counting the number of named visitors, the visitors" gender, the size of the visiting occasion (1 to 4 people, or 5 and above), the gender mix of those present during the visit, and the location of the visit. While this may seem straightforward at first glance, the variable nature of the diary entries meant that the coding process was not as uncomplicated as we initially anticipated. Given the number of diarists and the span of diary-keeping years, we faced the possibility of coding over 200,000 diary days. Because of the labor-intensive nature of the coding and the number of entries, we chose to code only 2 months—January and July—of each year a diarist kept a diary. We chose 2 months that could reflect a range of sociability. Severe January weather in New England impeded mobility, but it also freed those who were farmers from most of their labor—intensive chores. July tended to be haying season for farmers, which meant some people routinely worked all month in the fields—some alone, some with hired help. Further, the clement July weather meant grater mobility for all of the diary keepers. For some people—those who kept a diary for only a single year—the fact that we coded only 2 months out of each year meant we have only 62 "diary-days" to document their social lives. For others, we have several thousand. Limiting ourselves to January and July for each diary year, we nonetheless coded entries for a total of 24,752 diary days. In an effort to capture an accurate picture of visiting patterns, we coded every day of a given month, even those that had no entry or that mentioned only the weather, as well as those that recorded numerous visiting occasions in one day. Determining a working definition of what constituted a visit was also an unexpected challenge. For example, although schoolteacher Mary Mudge kept a meticulous record of her visiting "rounds," listing names, places, and conversation topics, other diarists were not as forthcoming. A typical entry in farmer John Campbell"s diary (9 July, 1825) was less amenable to our initial coding scheme: "Go to Cart"s for Oxen." (See Hansen and Mcdonald, 1995, for a fuller discussion of the pitfalls of coding diary data.) We therefore created the following coding protocol. We defined a visit as any occasion in which the diarist names the presence of individuals not of his or her household, the presence of the non-household member serving to distinguish between a community interaction and a household interaction. W"e also coded as visits public events at which the diarist was present but others in attendance were not named. The most common among these were records of church attendance. Although an entry "went to church" did not result in a finding of specific male or female visitors, it was a community interaction; thus, these entries were coded as gender-mixed visiting occasions of five or more people in a public place. Because of the variable nature of diary-keeping practices, we were careful to record only what we could confidently infer. Therefore, some entries record visits but no named individuals. Others, such as church attendance (which is generally a large-group event) or a visit to one named friend (which is an intimate affair), allowed us to code the size of the group. Still others, when the location of the visit was specifically mentioned, allowed us to code the diarist as hosting, acting as a guest in another"s home, or interaction at a public place.

单选题Arriving anywhere with these possessions, he might just as easily put up for a month or a year for a single day.

单选题Woman: Tim, why don"t you like Sue? She seems to be a very good girl. Man: A very good girl? She always has her nose in the air. Question: Why doesn"t Tim like Sue?

单选题A: Would you cash these traveler"s checks, please? B: ______

单选题He was______by the noise outside yesterday evening and could not concentrate on his study.

单选题A：Would you like to order now? B：______

单选题A: Why don"t we go to see a baseball game? B: ______

单选题"In every known human society the male"s needs for achievement can be recognized. In a great number of human societies men"s sureness of their sex role is tied up with their right, or ability, to practice some activity that women are not allowed to practice. Their maleness in fact has to be underwritten by preventing women from entering some field or performing some feat." This is the conclusion of the anthropologist Margaret Mead about the way in which the roles of men and women in society should be distinguished. If talk and print are considered it would seem that the formal emancipation of women is far from complete. There is a flow of publications about the continuing domestic bondage of women and about the complicated system of defences which men have thrown up around their hitherto accepted advantages, taking sometimes the obvious form of exclusion from types of occupation and sociable groupings, and sometimes the more subtle form of automatic doubt of the seriousness of women"s pretensions to the level of intellect and resolution that men, it is supposed, bring to the business of running the world. There are a good many objective pieces of evidence for the erosion of men"s status. In the first place, there is the widespread postwar phenomenon of the woman Prime Minister, in India, Sri Lanka and Israel. Secondly, there is the very large increase in the number of women who work, especially married women and mothers of children. More diffusely there are the increasingly numerous convergences between male and female behaviour: the approximation to identical styles in dress and coiffure, the sharing of domestic tasks, and the admission of women to all sorts of hitherto exclusively male leisure-time activities. Everyone carries round with him a fairly definite idea of the primitive or natural conditions of human life. It is acquired more by the study of humorous cartoons than of archaeology, but that does not matter since it is not significant as theory but only as an expression of inwardly felt expectations of people"s sense of what is fundamentally proper in the differentiation between the roles of the two sexes. In this rudimentary natural society men go out to hunt and fish and to fight off the tribe next door while women keep the fire going. Amorous initiative is firmly reserved to the man, who sets about courtship with a club.

单选题The research shows that nearly 130 species of birds are vulnerable to the predicted effects of climate change.

单选题Man: I have called you several times, but you were not home. What have you been up to? Woman: I have joined a weight-loss support group, and now I feel great to be able to shop in the regular women"s department. Question: What is the woman"s aim to join the group?

单选题If the national pastime could be integrated, it seemed only a matter of time before the nation"s schools, playgrounds, buses, and restaurants could also be integrated.

单选题Employers" attitudes to their workers are affected by ______.

单选题A: Are you going to your family reunion this Christmas holiday? B: ______

单选题Woman: What"s your plan for the winter holiday? Man: I"m going skiing in Colorado. Woman: But it"s very dangerous for a beginner. Do your parents agree? Man: No, but I can get round them. Question: How can the man go skiing?

单选题Vast herds of large game animals once roamed the plains of what is now the state of Kansas.

单选题American society is not nap (午睡) friendly. In fact, says David Dinges, a sleep specialist at the University of Pennsylvania School of Medicine. ""There"s even a prohibition against admitting we need sleep. " Nobody wants to be caught napping or found asleep at work. To quote a proverb: "Some sleep five hours, nature requires seven, laziness nine and wickedness eleven. " Wrong. The way not to fall asleep at work is to take naps when you need them. "We have to totally change our attitude toward napping," says Dr. William Dement of Stanford University, the godfather of sleep research. Last year a national commission led by Dement identified an "American sleep debt" which one member said was as important as the national debt. The commission was concerned about the dangers of sleepiness, people causing industrial accidents or falling asleep while driving. This may be why we have a new sleep policy in the White House. According to recent reports, president Clinton is trying to take a half hour snooze (打瞌睡) every afternoon. About 60 percent of American adults nap when given the opportunity. We seem to have "a midafternoon quiet phase" also called "a secondary sleep gate. " Sleeping 15 minutes to two hours in the early afternoon can reduce stress and make us refreshed. Clearly, we were born to nap. We Superstars of Snooze don"t nap to replace lost shut eye or to prepare for a night shift. Rather, we "snack" on sleep, whenever, wherever and at whatever time we feel like it. I myself have napped in buses, cars, planes and on boats; on floors and beds; and in libraries, offices and museums.

单选题Since the energy crisis, these big cars have become a real liability . They cost too much to run.