单选题"Worse than useless," fumed Darrell Issa, a Republican congressman from California, on March 19th, when the House Judiciary Committee held a hearing on the Immigration and Naturalization Service. "Terrible, and getting worse," added Zoe Lofgren, a Democratic colleague who has kept a watchful eye on the INS for ten years. Committee members lined up to take swings at James Ziglar, the head of the INS. He explained, somewhat pathetically, that "outdated procedures" had kept the visa-processing wheels grinding slowly through a backlog of applications. He also had some new rules in mind to tighten up visas. Speeding up the paperwork and getting more of it on to computers--is vital, but the September attacks have exposed the tension, between the agency's two jobs: on the one hand enforcing the security of America's borders, and on the other granting privileges such as work permits to foreigners. But other people want more radical changes. James Sensenbrenner, a Republican congressman from Wisconsin, wants to split the INS into two separate bodies, one dealing with border security and the other with handling benefits to immigrants. The other approach, favored in the White House, is to treat the two functions as complementary, and to give the INS even more responsibility for security. Under that plan, the INS would merge with the Customs Service, which monitors the 20m shipments of goods brought into America every year, as well as the bags carried in by some 500m visitors. The two agencies would form one large body within the Department of Justice, the current home of the INS. This would cut out some of the duplicated effort at borders, where customs officers and agents from the INS's Border Patrol often rub shoulders but do not work together. Mr Bush--who has said that the news of the visa approvals left him "plenty hot" --was expected to give his approval. The senate, however, may not be quite so keen. The Justice Department could have trouble handling such a merger, let alone taking on the considerable economic responsibilities of the Customs Service, which is currently part of the Treasury. The senate prefers yet another set of security recommendations, including links between the databases of different agencies that hold security and immigration information, and scanners at ports of entry to check biometric data recorded on immigration documents. These ideas are embodied in a bill sponsored by members of both parties, but are currently held up by Robert Byrd, the chairman of the Senate Appropriations Committee, who worries that there has not been enough debate on the subject. Mr Ziglar, poor chap, may feel there has been more than enough.

单选题Shopping goods that are considered as basically the same are those ______.

单选题{{B}}Text 1{{/B}} Advertising sells its products by offering seductive promises of youth, beauty, health, money, ease, romance, better lifestyle, even time. There's no logical connection between a car and a cougar, but the image is powerful and presented with sophistication. We buy it and we may well buy the product. When it comes to advertising, let the buyer beware. There are several less-than-candid techniques which advertisers use to get our attention. A product may be filmed or photographed in such a way to make it appear bigger, better, or more luscious. A product may be presented as being "unique", "one-of-a-kind", or "supreme", when in fact it's identical to other products on the market. A product may claim to be "new" or "improved" when only an insignificant change has been made. Finally, an advertiser may offer distorted truths or even tell outright lies. It takes a while for the government or the competition to catch up with false claims in advertising. Meanwhile, the public has been led to believe that a mouth wash can cure the common cold, or that bee pollen retards aging in human skin. The consumer's best defense is awareness. He can listen to, but not learn, the emotional message broadcast by the ad. He can distinguish between what the ad pretends to offer and what it is really selling. A face cream, for example, can only do so much. It can reduce dryness and provide temporary smoothness and moisture to the skin. But it is made in a factory, not in a magician's study. It cannot turn back the clock.

单选题{{B}}Text 4{{/B}} Bernard Bailyn has recently reinterpreted the early history of the United States by applying new social research findings on the experiences of European migrants. In his reinterpretation, migration becomes the organizing principle for rewriting the history of pre-industrial North America. His approach rests on four separate propositions. The first of these asserts that residents of early modern England moved regularly about their countryside: migrating to the New World was simply a "natural spillover" Although at first the colonies held little positive attraction for the English—they would rather have stayed home—by the eighteenth century people increasingly migrated to America because they regarded it as the land of opportunity. Secondly, Bailyn holds that. contrary to the notion that used to flourish in American history textbooks, there was never a typical New World community. For example, the economic and demographic character of early New England towns varied considerably. Bailyn's third proposition suggests two general patterns prevailing among the many thousands of migrants: one group came as indentured servants, another came to acquire land. Surprisingly, Bailyn suggests that those who recruited indentured servants were driving forces of transatlantic migration. These colonial entrepreneurs helped determine the social character of people who came to pre-industrial North America. At first, thousands of unskilled laborers were recruited: by the 1730's. however. American employers demanded skilled workers. Finally, Bailyn argues that the colonies were a half-civilized hinterland of the European culture system. He is undoubtedly correct to insist that the colonies were part of the Anglo-American empire. But to divide the empire into English core and colonial periphery, as Bailyn does, devalues the achievements of colonial culture. It is true. as Bailyn claims, that high culture in the colonies never matched that in England. But what of seventeenth-century New England, where the settlers created effective laws. built a distinguished university, and published books? Bailyn might respond that New England was exceptional. However, the ideas and institutions developed by New England Puritans had powerful effects on North American culture. Although Bailyn goes on to apply his approach to some thousands of indentured servants who migrated just prior to the revolution, he fails to link their experience with the political development of the United States. Evidence presented in his work suggests how we might make such a connection. These indentured servants were treated as slaves for the period during which they had sold their time to American employers. It is not surprising that as soon as they served their time they gave up good wages in the cities and headed west to ensure their personal independence by acquiring land. Thus.it is in the west that a peculiarly American political culture began, among colonists who were suspicious of authority and intensely anti-aristocratic. {{B}}Notes:{{/B}} spillover n. 外流。indentured servant 合同工。hinterland n. 内地。Anglo-American 英裔美国人的。 periphery n. 边缘。anti-aristocratic 反对贵族的。demographics 人口统计(特点)。

单选题As a related study describes, Twitter has come to play a crucial role in the way that news functions during events like the Egyptian revolution—like an overloaded newswire filled with everything from breaking news to rumor and everything in between. The evolution of what media theorist Jeff Jarvis and others have called "networked journalism" has made the business of news much more chaotic, since it now consists of thousands of voices instead of just a few prominent ones who happen to have the tools to make themselves heard. If there is a growth area in media, it is in the field of "curated news," where real-time filters verify and redistribute the news that comes in from tens of thousands of sources, and use tools like Storify to present a coherent picture of what is happening on the ground. One of the additional points the study makes is that the personal Twitter accounts belonging to journalists were far more likely to be retweeted or engaged with by others than official accounts for the media outlets they worked for. The point here is one we have tried to make repeatedly: Social media are called social for a reason. They're about human beings connecting with other human beings around an event, and the more that media outlets try to stifle the human aspect of these tools—through repressive social-media policies, for example—the less likely they will be to benefit from using them. Another benefit of a distributed or networked version of journalism is one sociologist Zeynep Tufekci has made in the course of her research into how Twitter and other social tools affected the events in Tunisia, Egypt, and elsewhere. As she wrote in a recent blog post, one of the realities of mainstream media is what is often called "pack journalism": the kind that sees hundreds of journalists show up for official briefings by government or military sources, but few pursue their own stories outside the official' sphere. Tufekci says social media and "citizen journalism" can be a powerful antidote to this kind of process, and that's fundamentally a positive force for journalism. As we look at the way news and information flows in this new world of social networks, and what Andy Carvin has called "random acts of journalism" by those who may not even see themselves as journalists, it's easy to get distracted by how chaotic the process seems, and how difficult it is to separate the signal from the noise. But more information is better—even if it requires new skills on the part of journalists when it comes to filtering that information—and journalism, as Jay Rosen has pointed out, tends to get better when more people do it. (454 words)

单选题Miss Page's attitude toward Black Friday is

单选题Picture-taking is a technique both for reflecting the objective world and for expressing the singular self. Photographs depict objective realities that already exist, though only the camera can disclose them. And they depict an individual photographer's temperament, discovering itself through the camera's cropping of reality. That is, photography has two directly opposite ideals: in the first, photography is about the world and the photographer is a mere observer who counts for little; but in the second, photography is the instrument of fearlessness, questing subjectivity and the photographer is all. These conflicting ideals arise from uneasiness on the part of both photographers and viewers of photographs toward the aggressive component in "taking" a picture. Accordingly, the ideal of a photographer as observer is attracting because it implicitly denies that picture- taking is an aggressive act. The issue, of course, is not so clear-cut. What photographers do cannot be characterized as simply predatory or as simply, and essentially, benevolent. As a consequence, one ideal of picture-taking or the other is always being rediscovered and championed. An important result of the coexistence of these two ideals is a recurrent ambivalence toward photography's means. Whatever are the claims that photography might make to be a form of personal expression just like painting, its originality is closely linked to the power of a machine. The steady growth of these powers has made possible the extraordinary informativeness and imaginative formal beauty of many photographs, like Harold Edgerton's high-speed photographs of a bullet hitting its target or of the swirls and eddies of a tennis stroke. But as cameras become more sophisticated, more automated, some photographers are tempted to disarm themselves or to suggest that they are not really armed, preferring to submit themselves to the limit imposed by pre-modern camera technology because a cruder, less high-powered machine is thought to give more interesting or emotive results, to leave more room for creative accident. For example, it has been virtually a point of honor for many photographers, including Walker Evans and Cartier Bresson, to refuse to use modern equipment. These photographers have come to doubt the value of the camera as an instrument of "fast seeing". Cartier Bresson, in fact, claims that the modern camera may see too fast. This ambivalence toward photographic means determines trends in taste. The cult of the future (of faster and faster seeing) alternates over time with the wish to return to a purer past when images had a handmade quality. This longing for some primitive state of the photographic enterprise is currently widespread and underlies the present-day enthusiasm for daguerreotypes and the work of forgotten nineteenth-century provincial photographers. Photographers and viewers of photographs, it seems, need periodically to resist their own knowingness.

单选题 The economic debate in the U.S. regarding the fiscal stimulus package centered on "bang for the buck," that is, on whether tax cuts or spending increases would produce more jobs. This limited perspective is very misleading, however: the choice of spending versus taxes should turn first and foremost on the purposes of government, or what economists call "the allocation of resources." It's silly to debate whether investing in a $1OO-million bridge creates more jobs than a $1OO-million tax cut if we need the bridge! The American Society of Civil Engineers has long documented the crumbling state of U.S. infrastructure and the pressing need for $2.2 trillion in investments for our well-being and competitiveness. Government spending and taxation affect the distribution of income demographically and temporally. America ranks 22nd out of 23 high-income countries in public social outlays as a percentage of national income for health, pensions, income support and other social services. Our political discourse tends to focus on the middle class and neglect the poor, whereas our tax and spending policies often benefit the wealthy. As a result, the U.S. has the largest poverty rate, income inequality and per-capita prison population of any high-income nation, as well as the worst health conditions.. The timing of tax cuts and spending increases also affects the well-being of today's generation versus future ones. The U.S. has a chronic fiscal deficit because federal taxation is enough to cover only five types of federal programs: retirement and disability, medical care, veterans' programs, defense and homeland security, and interest on the public debt. All other federal outlays are in effect funded by borrowing. The chronic deficit problem, now at least 5 percent of GNP (Gross National Product), will tend to get much worse as the population ages and health care costs rise, until we finally choose to tax ourselves adequately to pay for the government we need and want. Temporary deficits can boost the economy in a recession, although temporary income tax cuts and rebates tend to be saved rather than spent. Prolonged deficit spending, however, would impose future burdens. The most obvious will be the need to service the public debts owed to China and other holders of treasury bills-the U.S. is on a path to multiply its already massive international debts. Less obviously, the huge budget deficits will crowd out some private investment spending and exports as the economy recovers. Higher taxes needed to cover the service on that debt will not only squeeze consumption but may also distort the economy through disincentives on saving, work or other activities.

单选题According to the text, the dollar

单选题In studying both the recurrence of special habits or ideas in several districts, and their prevalence within each district, there come before us ever-repeated proofs of regular causation producing the phenomena of human life, and of laws of maintenance and diffusion conditions of society, at definite stages of culture. But, while giving full importance to the evidence bearing on these standard conditions of society, let us be careful to avoid a pitfall which may entrap the unwary student. Of course the opinions and habits belonging in common to masses of mankind are to a great extent the results of sound judgment and practical wisdom. But to a great extent it is not so. That many numerous societies of men should have believed in the influence of the evil eye and the existence of a firmament, should have sacrificed slaves and goods to the ghosts of the departed, should have handed down traditions of giants slaying monsters and men turning into beast--all this is ground for holding that such ideas were indeed produced in men's minds by efficient causes, but it is not ground for holding that the rites in question are profitable, the beliefs sound, and the history authentic. This may seem at the first glance a truism, but, in fact, it is the denial of a fallacy which deeply affects the minds of all but a small critical minority of mankind. Popularly, what everybody says must be true, what everybody does must be right--"Quod ubique, quod semper, quod ab omnibus creditum est, hoc est vere proprieque Catholicum' --and m forth. There are various topics, especially in history, law, philosophy, and theology, where even the educated people we live among can hardly be brought to see that the cause why men do hold an opinion, or practise a custom, is by no means necessarily a reason why they ought to do so. Now collections of ethnographic evidence bringing so prominently into view the agreement of immense multitudes of men as to certain traditions, beliefs, and usages, are peculiarly liable to be thus improperly used in direct defense of these institutions themselves, even old barbaric nations being polled to maintain their opinions against what are called modern ideas. As it has more than once happened to myself to find my collections of traditions and beliefs thus set up to prove their own objective truth, without proper examination of the grounds on which they were actually received, I take this occasion of remarking that the same line of argument will serve equally well to demonstrate, by the strong and wide consent of nations, that the earth is flat, and nightmare the visit of a demon.

单选题The underlined word "flak" (Para. 1) most likely means______.

单选题What does the word "they" (Para. 3, Line 5) refer to?

单选题The European Union's Barcelona summit, which ended on March 16th, was played out against the usual backdrop of noisy "anti-globalizati0n' demonstrations and massive security. If nothing else, the demonstrations illustrated that economic liberalization in Europe--the meeting's main topic--presents genuine political difficulties. Influential sections of public opinion continue to oppose anything that they imagine threatens "social Europe", the ideal of a cradle-to-grave welfare state. In this climate of public opinion, it is not surprising that the outcome in Barcelona was modest. The totemic issue was opening up Europe's energy markets. The French government has fought hard to preserve a protected market at home for its state-owned national champion, Electricite de France (EDF). At Barcelona it. made a well-flagged tactical retreat. The summiteers concluded that from 2004 industrial users across Europe would be able to choose from competing energy suppliers, which should account for "at least" 60% of the market. Since Europe's energy market is worth 350 billion (＄ 309 billion) a year and affects just about every business, this is a breakthrough. But even the energy deal has disappointing aspects. Confining competition to business users makes it harder to show that economic liberalization is the friend rather than the foe of the ordinary person. It also allows EDF to keep its monopoly in the most profitable chunk of the French market. In other areas, especially to do with Europe's tough labor markets, the EU is actually going backwards. The summiteers declared that "disincentives against taking up jobs" should be removed; 20m jobs should be created within the EU by 2010. But only three days after a Barcelona jamboree, the European Commission endorsed a new law that would give all temporary-agency workers the same rights as full-timers within six weeks of getting their feet under the desk. Six out of 20 commissioners did, unusually, vote against the measure--a blatant piece of re-regulation--but the social affairs commissioner, Anna Diamantopoulou, was unrepentant, indeed triumphant. A dissatisfied liberaliser in the commission called the directive "an absolute disaster". The summit's other achievements are still more fragile. Europe's leaders promised to increase spending on "research and development" from its current figure of 1.9% of GDP a year to 3%. But how will European politicians compel businesses to invest more in research? Nobody seems to know. And the one big research project agreed on at Barcelona, the Galileo satellite-positioning system, which is supposed to cost 3.2 billion of public money, is of dubious commercial value, since the Europeans already enjoy free access to the Americans' GPA system. Edward Bannerman, head of economics at the Centre for European Reform, a Blairite think-tank, calls Galileo "the common agricultural policy in space./

单选题As any diplomat from Britain, Austria or Turkey can tell you, handling the legacy of a vanished, far-flung empire is a tricky business. But for Georgia, the gap between old glory and present vulnerability is especially wide. Today's Georgia is diminished by war, buffeted by geopolitics and recovering from post-Soviet chaos. But 800 years ago the country was a mighty military, cultural and ecclesiastical force. Its greatest monarch, Queen Tamara, defeated many foes (including her first husband) and built fine monuments. In her time, Georgia also had a big stake in the Christian life of the Holy Land. From Jerusalem to the Balkans, Georgia's priests, artists and church-builders were active and respected. So too were its poets, like Shota Rustaveli, the national bard who dedicated an epic to his beloved queen. In between seeking western aid and coping with power cuts, modern Georgia has pledged to keep a wary eye on every place where churches, inscriptions and frescoes testify to its golden age. That includes Greece, Turkey, Bulgaria, Romania and above all, Israel. Last year, Georgians were enraged when a fresco of Rustaveli, in a Jerusalem church under the care of the Greek Orthodox Patriarchate, was defaced, then badly restored. This year, a better restoration was done, but Georgians now want a promise that in all future restoration their own experts can take part. They also want to stop the seepage of Georgian frescoes and icons, supposedly under the Patriarchate's care, on to the art market. Several times, Georgia has had to use its meagre resources to buy back pieces of the national heritage. The hope is that things will improve with the recent election of a new Jerusalem Patriarch, after his predecessor was ousted under a cloud of scandal. Georgia's ties with Israel are good, thanks to a thriving Georgian-Jewish community with happy memories of its homeland. Georgia also gets along with Greece, amid a fug of sentimentality over legends about the Argonauts that link the two nations. But can these warm, fuzzy feelings translate into better protection for an ancient culture? That will be a challenge for Gela Bezhuashvili, who succeeds Salome Zourabichvili, the French-born diplomat who was sacked, after a power struggle, as Georgian foreign minister on October 19th.

单选题The author thinks that unfortunately BMW's campaign has conveyed the idea of

单选题Losing weight can seem like an unwinnable war. You know you need to eat less and exercise more, but that's (1) impossible when everything in your life—from job stress to the temptation of fast and (2) foods—encourages you to do the (3) . A healthy diet and regular exercise are certainly the best weapons against weight gain, (4) the fact is that sometimes they aren't enough. And that's (5) science may someday be able to help. In various research labs, researchers are closely looking (6) the biological mechanisms of obesity, (7) why some bodies store fat so (8) , and why others are better at burning the calories they (9) . They are discovering a surprising (10) of metabolic and physiologic factors that contribute to weight: did you know, for instance, that your intestines are full of bacteria that can (11) or restrain weight gain to some extent? Or that the brown fat—which is (12) in newborns—actually burns a lot of calories, (13) the traditional white fat commonly stored in bellies? These and other findings about the biology of weight gain could be the (14) to slimming our collective waistline, if scientists can someday use them to (15) better treatments for obesity. (16) we could use the help: in the decade between the year of 1991 and that of 2000, the (17) of overweight adults in the U.S. increased by 61%. Last year, 30% of children in 30 states (18) the scales as either overweight or obese. "We just don't have enough physicians to treat all the obese people," says Dr. Michael Jensen, professor of medicine. If the latest findings from obesity labs prove as (19) as they are promising, they could in the future make the job of fighting obesity easier for (20) and patients, and help all of us get an extra boost from our diet and exercise programs.