单选题What can we get from the last paragraph?

单选题Yasuhisa Shizoki, a SI-year-old MP from Japan's ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), starts tapping his finger on the dismal economic chart on his coffee table. "Unless we change the decision-making process," he says bluntly, "we are not going to be able to solve this kind of problem." With the economy in such a mess, it may seem a bit of a diversion to be trying to sort out Japan's political structures as well as its economic problems. Since co-writing a report on political reform, which was released by an LDP panel last week, Mr. Shizoki has further upset the party's old guard. Its legionaries, flanked by columns of the bureaucracy, continue to hamper most attempts to overhaul the economy. Junichiro Koizumi was supposed to change all that, by going over their heads and appealing directly to the public. Yet nearly a year after becoming prime minister, Mr. Koizumi has precious little to show for his efforts. His popularity is now flagging and his determination is increasingly in doubt. As hopes of immediate economic reform fade, optimists are focusing on another potential benefit of Mr. Koizumi's tenure. They hope that his highly personalized style of leadership will pave the way for a permanent change in Japanese politics: towards more united and authoritative cabinets that are held directly accountable for their policies. As that happens, the thinking goes, real economic reforms will be able to follow. Unfortunately, damage-limitation in the face of scandal too often substitutes for real reform. More often, the scandals serve merely as distractions. What is really needed is an overhaul of the rules themselves. A leading candidate for change is the 40-year-old system--informal but religiously followed-through which the LDP machinery vets every bill before it ever gets to parliament. Most legislation starts in the LDP's party committees, which mirror the parliamentary committee structure. Proposals then go through two higher LDP bodies, which hammer out political deals to smooth their passage. Only then does the prime minister's cabinet get fully involved in approving the policy. Most issues have been decided by the LDP mandarins long before they reach this point, let alone the floor of parliament, leaving even the prime minister limited influence, and allowing precious little room for public debate and even less for accountability. As a result, progress will probably remain slow. Since they know that political reform leads to economic reform, and hence poses a threat to their interests, most of the LDP will resist any real changes. But at least a handful of insiders have now brought into one of Mr. Koizumi's best slogans: "Change the LDP, change Japan./

单选题Guofu Zhou would probably agree that

单选题Some of the evidence about language in the passage is taken from the observations of ______.

单选题So unstoppable has the euro crisis become that even rescue talk only fuels ever-rising panic. Investors have sniffed out that Europe's leaders seem unwilling ever to do enough. Yet unless politicians act fast to persuade the world that their desire to preserve the euro is greater than the markets' ability to bet against it, the single currency faces ruin. It is a sobering thought that so much depends on the leadership of squabbling European politicians who still consistently underestimate what confronts them. But the only way to stop the downward spiral now is an act of supreme collective will by euro-zone governments to erect a barrage of financial measures to stave off the crisis and put the governance of the euro on a sounder footing. A rescue must do four things fast. First, it must make clear which of Europe's governments are deemed illiquid and which are insolvent, giving unlimited backing to the solvent governments but restructuring the debt of those that can never repay it. Second, it has to shore up Europe's banks to ensure they can withstand a sovereign default. Third, it needs to shift the euro zone's macroeconomic policy towards an agenda for growth. And finally, it must start the process of designing a new system to stop such a mess ever being created again. So far the euro zone's response has relied too much on austerity. Sharply cutting budget deficits has been the priority. But this collectively huge fiscal contraction is self-defeating. By driving weakened economies into recession it only increases worries about both government debts and European banks. And mere budget-cutting does not deal with the real cause of the mess, which is a loss of credibility. Instead of austerity, a credible rescue should start with growth. All the troubled economies need a renewed programme of structural reform and liberalisation. Freeing up services and professions, privatizing companies, cutting bureaucracy and delaying retirement will create conditions for renewed growth—and that is the best way to reduce debts. The recapitalization of Europe's banks must be based on proper stress tests. Some banks may be able to raise money in the equity markets, but the most vulnerable will need government help. It makes sense to set up a euro-zone bank fund, together with a euro-zone bank-resolution authority. None of this will work unless the Europeans create a firewall around the governments who can pay their debts and who are not in debt. Some have argued for a system of Eurobonds in which every country's debt is backed by all. But the political oversight to ensure that high-spending countries do not waste other people's money would take years to sort out—and one thing the euro zone does not have is time.

单选题Egyptian wine has an extensive history within the history of Egyptian civilization. Grapes were not (1) to the landscape of Egypt, rather the vines themselves are (2) to have been imported from the Phoenicians, (3) the actual origins remain in (4) . What is known, is that (5) the third millennium BC, Egyptian kings of the first (6) had extensive wine cellars, and wine was used extensively in the temple ceremonies. The main (7) of wine in Egypt, took place between the king, nobles, and the priests in temple ceremonies, and is (8) by numerous painted relief's, and other (9) evidence. The vineyards of ancient Egypt, were quite different from the modern methods of wine making today. (10) viticulture ( or wine making), ceased to (11) an exclusively ceremonial purpose, the Egyptians began to experiment with simple structures for their vines to train on, (12) found a way to train their vines so they were easy low (13) bushes, and found ways for the soil to (14) more moisture for the vines. Egyptian wine making experiments included the use of different wine presses, adding heat to the must ( the grape juice ready for fermentation) (15) make the wine sweet, and differences in vat types and materials. The (16) finished product of wine, was poured through a cloth filter, and then into earthenware jars, (17) they would be sealed with natural tar and left to (18) . The Egyptians kept accurate records of their vintages, and (19) of their wines, each jar of wine was clearly (20) with it's own vintage, and quality.

单选题{{B}}Part A{{/B}}{{B}}Directions:{{/B}} Read the following four texts. Answer the questions below each text by choosing A, B, C or D. Mark your answers on ANSWER SHEET 1.{{B}}Text 1{{/B}} Earlier this summer Arnold Schwarzenegger, California's governor, said that the state's penal system was "falling apart in front of our very eyes". Indeed so. Some 172,000 inmates are crowded into institutions—from the state's 33 prisons to its 12 "community correctional facilities"—that are meant to house fewer than 90,000. Drug abuse is rampant; so too are diseases such as HIV and hepatitis C. Race-based gangs pose the constant threat of violence, riot and even murder. And with more than 16,000 prisoners sleeping in prison gymnasiums and classrooms, rehabilitation programs are virtually non-existent—which helps to explain why two-thirds of California's convicts, the highest rate in the country, are back in prison within three years of being released. Will the governor's summons of a special session of the state legislature, beginning this week, bring a remedy? The reason for the session is to discuss Mr. Schwarzenegger's request for almost $ 5.8 billion of public money to be pumped into the prison system. Bonds for $ 2 billion would finance ten 500-bed "re-entry facilities" for prisoners nearing the end of their sentences; another $ 2 billion would expand existing prisons; $1.2 billion would be earmarked for two new prisons; and $ 500m would go for new prison hospitals. Money alone will provide neither an immediate solution nor a lasting one. The first problem is that California simply puts too many offenders in prison. The imprisonment rate, which has risen almost eight-fold since 1970 and is way ahead of any European country, has consistently meant overcrowding despite the construction of 22 new prisons in the past 20 years. The 1994 "three-strikes" law, approved by voters in a referendum, means handing out 25-years-to-life sentences for often trivial third offences—and results in the growing presence in prison of elderly inmates who cost the taxpayer far more than the average of $ 34,000 a prisoner. Meanwhile, the practice of returning parole violators to prison, even for relatively trivial mis-steps such as missing a drugs test, also strains the system; some 11% of inmates are parole violators. Added to all these are more than 5,000 illegal immigrants being held on behalf of the federal government. The second problem is that any attempt to reform California's penal policy becomes hostage to politics. Two years ago, the governor was expressing optimism. He added the word "rehabilitation" to California's department of corrections, appointed Rod Hickman, a reform- minded former prison guard, to oversee the system and promised to lessen the power of the 31,000-strong prison guards' union, not least by breaking the "code of silence" that protects corrupt or violent guards. But that was then. The reality now is that Mr. Hickman resigned in March. Evidence indicates that the governor's office may have given the code of silence in California's prisons a new lease on life. Many experts say that with no moderation in sentencing policies on the horizon, the prison population is expected to grow by another 21,000 over the next five years—enough to out-pace any prison-building program. Thus, the dream of prison reforms will never touch the ground.

单选题The phrase "capitalising on" (Line 2, Para. 1) can be substituted by

单选题What's the main idea of the second paragraph?______

单选题In Washington's sales tax holiday, a shirt marked ＄ 20, a pair of boots marked＄ 80 and a pair of earrings marked ＄ 200 will save you

单选题It's not that we thought things were fine. It's just that this year there were no fixes to the messes we made—no underwater oil-well caps, no AIG bailouts, no reuniting the island castaways in a church and sending them to heaven. We had to idly watch things completely fall apart, making us feel so pathetic that planking seemed like a cool thing to do. This was the year of the meltdown. If a meltdown could happen at a nuclear reactor in Japan—a country so obsessed with keeping up to date that its citizens annually get new cell phones and a new Prime Minister—we should have known we were all doomed. Meltdowns happened to the most unlikely victims. Everyone was so vulnerable to meltdowns that even Canadians rioted, though they did it only so the rest of the world wouldn't feel bad about their riots. It didn't take a tsunami; anything could trigger a meltdown. Greece, a country so economically insignificant that its biggest global financial contribution to this century was that Nia Vardalos movie, sent the entire European economy into a meltdown. A meltdown of both the U.S. credit rating and Congress's approval rating was unleashed over raising the debt ceiling, something so routine and boring. Sometimes, it didn't take an actual sexual affair to ruin your promising political career. Sometimes, crises sprang out of tiny mistakes that usually have no consequences whatsoever, like that day in college when you went to a protest, charged a couple more things on your nearly maxed-out credit card and drunkenly told the pizza guy with all the dumb ideas that he should totally run for President. Well, when the entire country does that at once, you get a meltdown. There was even a meltdown of the once powerful American middle class. A year ago ours was still a country that pretended there was no class system, where rich people all called themselves "upper-middle class". Now we are full-on feudal, with an angry 99% and a 1% who actually understand the things which the 99% are inarticulately complaining about. The meltdown itself melted down when Occupy Wall Street protesters and police couldn't agree on lawn care. It's too late to cool the rods. We are either going to abandon the old structures altogether—nuclear power, the euro, Arab secular role, unregulated capitalism—or wait a really long time for things to get better. We are finally going to have to choose between our modem love of constant drama and our modem laziness. I know which I'm betting on. Laziness has a really high melting point. (434 words)

单选题The Van Gogh's letter (Para. 2) was mentioned to

单选题The molecules of carbon dioxide in the Earth's atmosphere affect the heat balance of the Earth by acting as a one-way screen. (1) these molecules allow radiation at visible wavelengths, where most of the energy of sunlight is concerned, to pass (2) , they absorb some of the longer-wave-length, infrared emissions radiated from the Earth's surface, radiation that would (3) be transmitted back into space. For the Earth to maintain a constant average temperature, such emissions from the planet must (4) incoming solar radiation. If there were no carbon dioxide in the atmosphere, heat would (5) from the Earth much more easily. Today, (6) , the potential problem is too much carbon dioxide. Could the increase in carbon dioxide (7) a global rise in average temperature, and could such a rise have serious (8) for human society? Mathematical models that allow us to calculate the rise in temperature as a function of the increase (9) ;that the (10) is probably yes. One mathematical model (11) that doubling the atmospheric carbon dioxide would raise the global mean surface temperature by 2.5℃. This model assumes that the atmosphere's relative humidity remains constant and the temperature decreases with altitude at a (12) of 6.5℃ per kilometer. The assumption of constant relative humidity is important, because water vapor in the atmosphere is another (13) absorber or radiation at infrared wavelengths. Because warm air can hold more (14) than cool air, the relative humidity will be constant (15) the amount of water vapor in the atmosphere increases (16) the temperature rises. (17) , more infrared radiation would be absorbed and reradiated (18) to the Earth's surface. The resultant warming at the surface could be expected to melt snow and ice, (19) the Earth's reflectivity. More solar radiation would be absorbed, (20) to a further increase in temperature.

单选题The writer seems to think that as an adult one must ______.