单选题In anticipation of their forthcoming debut CD, the rock band went on tour to ______ it, in the hope of increasing their following.

单选题Read the following passage carefully and then paraphrase the numbered and underlined parts.("Paraphrase" means to explain the meaning in your own English.) 【R1】 It is useful to remember that history is to the nation as memory is to the individual. As persons deprived of memory become disoriented and lost, not knowing where they have been and where they are going, so a nation denied a conception of the past will be disabled in dealing with its present and its future. History is the best antidote to delusions of omnipotence and omniscience. 【R2】 Self-knowledge is the indispensable prelude to self-control, for the nation as well as for the individual . History should forever remind us of the limits of our passing perspectives. It should strengthen us to resist the pressure to convert momentary impulses into moral absolutes. It should lead us to recognition of the fact, so often and so sadly displayed, that the future outwits all our certitudes and that the possibilities of the future are more various than the human intellect is designed to conceive. 【R3】 A nation informed by a vivid understanding of the ironies of history is best equipped to manage the tragic temptations of military power . Let us not bully our way through life, but let a sensitivity to history temper and civilize our use of power. In the meantime, let a thousand historical flowers bloom. 【R4】 History is never a closed book or a final verdict. It is forever in the interests of an ideology, a religion, a race, and a nation. The great strength of history is its capacity for self-correction. This is the endless excitement of historical writing: the search to reconstruct what went before. 【R5】 A nation's history must be both the guide and the domain not so much of its historians as its citizens.

单选题Some of my colleagues have been extremely zealous in their attempts to get smoking banned in the office.

单选题At his jokes we could not help but ______.

单选题The forest from which Man takes his timber is the tallest and most impressive plant community of Earth. In terms of Man's brief life it appears permanent and unchanging, save for the seasonal growth and fall of the leaves, but to the forester it represents the climax of a long succession of events. No wooded landscape we see today has been forest for all time. Plants have minimum requirements of temperature and moisture and, in ages past, virtually every part of Earth's surface has at some time been either too dry or too cold for plants to survive. However, as soon as climatic conditions change in favour of plant life, a fascinating sequence of changes occurs, called a primary succession. First to colonize the barren land are the lowly lichens, surviving on bare rock. Slowly, the acids produced by these organisms crack the rock surface, plant debris accumulates, and mosses establish a shallow root-hold. Ferns may follow and, with short grasses and shrubs, gradually form a covering of plant life. Roots probe even deeper into the developing soil and eventually large shrubs give way to the first trees. These grow rapidly, cutting off sunlight from the smaller plants, and soon establish complete domination—closing their ranks and forming a climax community which may endure for thousands of years. Yet even this community is not everlasting. Fire may destroy it outright and settlers may cut it down to gain land for pasture or cultivation. If the land is then abandoned, a secondary succession will take over, developing much faster on the more hospitable soil. Shrubs and trees are among the early invaders, their seeds calmed by the wind, by birds and lodged in the coats of mammals. For as long as it stands and thrives, the forest is a vast machine storing energy and the many elements essential for life.

单选题Let us assume, for the moment, that labor is not prepared to work for a lower money-wage and that a reduction in the existing level of money-wages would lead, through strikes or otherwise, to a withdrawal from the labor market of labor which is now employed. Does it follow from this that the existing level of real wages accurately measures the marginal disutility of labor? Not necessarily. For, although a reduction in the existing money-wage would lead to a withdrawal of labor, it does not follow that a fall in the value of the existing money-wage in terms of wage-goods would do so, if it were due to a rise in the price of the latter. In other words, it may be the case that within a certain range the demand of labor is for a minimum money-wage and not for a minimum real wage. The classical school has tacitly assumed that this would involve no significant change in their theory. But this is not so. For if the supply of labor is not a function of real wages as its sole variable, their argument breaks down entirely and leaves the question of what the actual employment will be quite indeterminate. They do not seem to have realized that. Unless the supply of labor is a function of real wages alone, their supply curve for labor will shift bodily with every movement of prices. Thus their method is tied up with their very special assumptions, and cannot be accepted to deal with the more general case. Now ordinary experience tells us, beyond doubt, that a situation where labor stipulates (within limits) for a money-wage rather than a real wage, so far from being a mere possibility, is the normal case. Whilst workers will usually resist a reduction of money-wages, it is not their practice to withdraw their labor whenever there is a rise in the price of wage-goods. It is sometimes said that it would be illogical for labor to resist a reduction of money-wages but not to resist a reduction of real wages. For reasons given below, this might not be so illogical as it appears at first; and, as we shall see later, fortunately so. But, whether logical or illogical, experience shows that this is how labor in fact behaves. Moreover, the contention that the unemployment which characterizes a depression is due to a refusal by labor to accept a reduction of money-wages is not clearly supported by the facts. It is not very plausible to assert that unemployment in the United States in 1932 was due either to labor obstinately refusing to accept a reduction of money-wages or to its obstinately demanding a real wage beyond what the productivity of the economic machine was capable of furnishing. Wide variations are experienced in the volume of employment without any apparent change either in the minimum real demands of labor or in its productivity. Labor is not more truculent in the depression than in the boom.... far from it. Nor is its physical productivity less. These facts from experience are a prima facie ground for questioning the adequacy of the classical analysis.

单选题Globalization is a phenomenon that has been affecting countries and societies for several decades, but the outline of the global system has only emerged with some clarity recently. The rise of global markets and the increase in speed and volume of international transactions has brought about a degree of interdependence and co-operation in economic matters among states that has not so far been matched by a corresponding increase in respect for and protection of human rights and democracy. Indeed, many democracies are still fragile, and have not made the transition from viewing democratic practices as instrumental to having a widely shared principled commitment to the democratic and constitutional framework. The rise of global economic networks has led to a rise in the influence of global actors such as multi-national corporations, global economic bodies such as the WTO, the World Bank, the IMF and regional economic organizations. These constitute a new form of global governance whose directives and imperatives states find increasingly difficult to ignore. The established international political organizations have not come close to replicating this effectiveness. Predictions that the phenomenon of globalization will result in a lowering of human rights standards as the mobility of capital seeks out the markets least constrained by labor and human rights standards to maximize the highest returns need not be the case. The role of human rights organizations in this context must be to ensure that globalization drives standards up not down, and to present the case that freedom of expression and access to official information are key to sustainable human and economic development and the prevention of corruption, which in turn support the conditions necessary for sustainable economic growth. With the demand for global trade to go hand in hand with global responsibility international financial institutions are coming under increasing pressure to regulate the global economy not simply to facilitate economic growth, but to promote compliance with human development, including international human rights norms. Multinational corporations have also been forced to recognize a degree of corporate social responsibility in the areas in which they operate and in the communities on which they have an impact. Transparency in the operations of such companies is becoming increasingly important to their gaining access to capital. They are more and more accountable to shareholders, who, in turn are increasingly diffuse and numerous. The pursuit of "shareholder value" means that there is score to ensure that the investor—citizen has a say in the way that companies conduct themselves. The task for those promoting free expression is to harness new technologies to challenge censorship, and to harness the power and influence of new global actors to ensure that they not only take the arguments for free expression on board, but become vocal advocates for such rights.

单选题Einstein was a man deeply ______ to the ideal of the morally responsible scientist.

单选题Advocates of linguistic determinism insist that ______.

单选题SLICE: CAKE

单选题The rise in stock prices has been driven largely by improvements in the economy, principally rising ______ profits, falling inflation, and falling interest rates.

单选题The law of private international tribunals with respect to conflicts of interest of arbitrators is quite extensive, albeit by no means uniform. It relates both to what will disqualify an arbitrator and to what the arbitrator must disclose during the selection process. Most national legal systems have statutory roles as to the types of interests, relationships, and experiences that disqualify an arbitrator. Not infrequently, the disqualifying factors are identical for arbitrators and judges, although they may treat domestic and international arbitration somewhat differently, and may indeed supplement the international roles with additional features. A closer look reveals that courts and arbitration agencies tend to apply the regulations relatively lightly, recognizing that arbitrators move in the highly interconnected world of affairs, and do not stand aloof from commerce as judges do. Accordingly, acquaintanceship with the parties and their counsel does not suffice to disqualify, whereas actual business or legal connections will. Inasmuch as judges do not seek more work, although arbitrators generally do, suspicions arise that an arbitrator's favor may incline to the party or counsel who has in the past and may again in the future provide employment. The uncertainty in the field is at its most troubling when arbitrators are party-appointed. Some argue that such arbitrators should fulfill the same functions and satisfy the same qualifications as third-party arbitrators, others dispute any real claim to objectivity. The latter view has had considerable currency, particularly in the United States, where courts and drafters of state laws regard such advocates as pawns of the appointers. Imposing standards of neutrality, and disinterestedness on them would be futile. It follows from this dichotomy between party-appointed and non-party-appointed arbitrators that opinion on the question of their nationality is also split. A party needs to be expected to choose a fellow national. This question of nationality is acute when one party to the arbitration is a governmental agency and one or more of the arbitrators are likewise nationals; a foreign enterprise contract calling for such arbitration may be foolhardy. The slate is largely blank with respect to roles for the conduct of arbitrators outside the field of conflict of interests. Considering only the matter of exparte communications, American case law is astonishing lax, refusing to set aside awards where such communication obtained between an arbitrator and a party without the presence of the other party, thereby violating evidentiary rules requiring the attendance of both parties. The differences in views on this topic indicate how useful a set of guidelines might be.

单选题If it is true that morality cannot exist without religion, then does not the erosion of religion herald the __________ of moraliy?

单选题The badly wounded soldiers take______ for medical treatment over those only slightly hurt.(2002年上海交通大学考博试题)

单选题In a recent book entitled The Psychic Life of Insects, Professor Bouvier says that we must be careful not to credit the little winged fellows with intelligence when they behave in what seems like an intelligent manner. They may be only reacting. I would like to confront the professor with an instance of reasoning power on the part of an insect which cannot be explained away in any other manner. During the summer of 1899, while I was at work on my doctoral thesis, we kept a female wasp at our cottage. It was more like a child of our own than a Wasp, except that it looked more like a wasp than a child of our own. That was one of the ways we told the difference. It was still a young wasp when we got it (thirteen or fourteen years old) and for some time we could not get it to eat or drink, it was so shy. Since it was a female we decided to call it Miriam, but soon the children's nickname for it— "Pudge" —became a fixture, and "Pudge" it was from that time on. One evening I had been working late in my laboratory fooling around with some gin and other chemicals, and in leaving the room I tripped over a nine of diamonds which someone had left lying on the floor and knocked over my card index which contained the names and addresses of all the larvae worth knowing in North America. The cards went everywhere. I was too tired to stop to pick them up that night, and went sobbing to bed, just as mad as I could be. As I went, however, I noticed the wasp was flying about in circles over the scattered cards. "Maybe Pudge will pick them up," I said half laughingly to myself, never thinking for one moment that such would be the case. When I came down the next morning Pudge was still asleep in her box, evidently tired out. And well she might have been. For there on the floor lay the cards scattered all about just as I had left them the night before. The faithful little insect had buzzed about all night trying to come to some decision about picking them up and arranging them in the boxes for me, and then had figured out for herself that, as she knew practically nothing of larvae of any sort except wasp larvae, she would probably make more of a mess of rearranging them than if she had left them on the floor for me to fix. It was just too much for her to tackle, and, discouraged, she went over and lay down in her box, where she cried herself to sleep. If this is not an answer to Professor Bouvier's statement, I do not know what is.

单选题It will take twenty minutes to get to the railway station, ______traffic delays.

单选题{{B}}Passage Four{{/B}} The main feature of a {{U}}convention{{/U}}--a pattern of behavior that is customary, expected, and self-enforced--is that, out of a host of conceivable choices, only one is actually used. This fact also explains why conventions are needed: they resolve problems of indeterminacy in interactions that have multiple equilibria. Indeed, from a forma[ point of view, we may define a convention as an equilibrium that everyone expects in interactions that have more than one equilibrium. The economic significance of conventions is that they reduce transaction costs. Imagine the inconvenience if, whenever two vehicles approached one another, the drivers had to get out and negotiate which side of the road to take. Or consider the cost of having to switch freight from one type of railroad to another whenever a journey involves both a wide-gauge and a narrow-gauge railroad line. This was a common circumstance in the nineteenth century and not unknown in the late twentieth: until recently, Australia had different rail gauges in the states of South Wales and Victoria, forcing a mechanical switch for all trains bound between Sydney and Melbourne. Conventions are also a notable feature of legal contracts. People rely on standard leases, wills, purchasing agreements, construction contracts and the like, because it is less costly to fill in the blanks of a standard contract than to Create one from scratch. Even more important, such agreements are backed up by legal precedent, so the signatories have even greater confidence that, their terms are enforceable. We may discern two ways in which conventions become established. One is by central authority. Following the French Revolution, for example, it was decreed that horse-drawn carriages in Paris should keep to the right. The previous custom had been for carriages to keep left and for pedestrians to keep right, facing the oncoming traffic. Changing the custom was symbolic of the new order going on the left had become politically incorrect because it was identified with the privileged classes; going on the right was the habit of the common many and therefore-more "democratic." In Britain, by contrast there seems to have been no single defining event that gave rise to the dominant convention of left-handed driving. Rather, it grew up by local custom, spreading from one region to another. This is the second mechanism by which conventions become established: the gradual accretion of precedent. The two mechanisms are not mutually exclusive, of course. Society often converges on a convention first by an informal process of accretion; later it is codified into law to regulate exceptions. In many countries, rules of the road were not legislated until the nineteenth century, but by this time the law was merely reiterating what had already become established custom. The surprising fact is that until the end of the eighteenth century, the dominant convention was for horse-drawn carriages to keep to the left. This situation obtained in Great Britain, France, Sweden, Portugal, Austria, Hungary, Bohemia and parts of Italy. A chain of historical accidents--Napoleon adopting the new convention for his armies and imposing this convention in occupied countries; Portugal sharing a common border with occupied Spain; Austria, Hungary and Bohemian Czechoslovakia falling under German rule; Italy having elected a "modern" leader under a king--gradually tipped the balance.