单选题

单选题 We live in an age when everyone is a critic. "Criticism" is all over the Internet, in blogs and chat rooms, for everyone to access and add his two cents' worth on any subject, high or low. But if everyone is a critic, is that still criticism? Or are we heading toward the end of criticism? If all opinions are equally valid, there is no need for experts. Democracy works in life, but art is undemocratic. The result of this ultimately meaningless barrage is that more and more we are living in a profoundly- or shallowly-uncritical age. A critic, as T.S. Eliot famously observed, must be very intelligent. Now, can anybody assume that the invasion of cyberspace by opinion upon opinion is proof of great intelligence and constitutes informed criticism rather than uninformed artistic chaos? Of course, like any self-respecting critic, I have always encouraged my readers to think for themselves. They were to consider my positive or negative assessments, which I always tried to explain, a challenge to think along with me: here is my reasoning, follow it, then agree or disagree as you see fit. In an uncritical age, every pseudonymous chat-room chatterbox provides a snappy, self-confident judgment, without the process of arriving at it becoming clear to anyone, including the chatterer. Blogs, too, tend to be invitations to leap before a second look. Do the impassioned ramblings fed into a hungry blogosphere represent responses from anyone other than longheads? How has it come to this? We have all been bitten by television sound bites that transmute into Internet sound bytes, proving that brevity can also be the soul of witlessness. So thoughtlessness multiplies. Do not, however, think I advocate censorship, an altogether unacceptable form of criticism. What we need in this age of rampant uncritical criticism is the simplest and hardest thing to come by: a critical attitude. How could it be fostered? For starters, with the very thing discouraged by our print media: reading beyond the hectoring headlines and bold-type boxes embedded in reviews, providing a one-sentence summary that makes further reading unnecessary. With only slight exaggeration, we may say that words have been superseded by upward or downward pointing thumbs, self-destructively indulging a society used to instant self-gratification. Criticism is inevitably constricted by our multinational culture and by political correctness. As society grows more diverse, there are fewer and fewer universal points of reference between a critic and his or her readers. As for freedom of expression. Arthur Miller long ago complained about protests and pressures making the only safe subjects for a dramatist babies and the unemployed. My own experience is that over the years, print space for my reviews kept steadily shrinking, and the layouts themselves toadied to the whims of the graphic designer. In a jungle of oddball visuals, readers had difficulties finding my reviews. Simultaneously, our vocabulary went on a starvation diet. Where readers used to thank me for enlarging their vocabularies, more and more complaints were lodged about unwelcome trips to the dictionary, as if comparable to having to keep running to the toilet. Even my computer keeps questioning words I use, words that can be found in medium-size dictionaries. Can one give language lessons to a computer? What may be imperiled, more than criticism, is the word. I keep encountering people who think "critical" means carping or fault-finding, and nothing more. So it would seem that the critic's pen, once mightier than the sword, has been supplanted by the ax. Yet I have always maintained that the critic has three duties, to write as well as a novelist or playwright; to be a teacher, taking off from where the classroom, always prematurely, has stopped, and to be a thinker, looking beyond his specific subject at society, history, philosophy. Reduce him to a consumer guide, run his reviews on a Web site mixed in with the next-door neighbor's pontifications, and you condemn criticism to obsolescence. Still, one would like to think that the blog is not the enemy, and that readers seeking enlightenment could find it on the right blog— just as in the past one went looking through diverse publications for the congenial critic. But it remains up to the readers to learn how to discriminate.

单选题America is not the only country wrestling with immigration. As the Senate was passing its version of an immigration bill, Spain was calling for European Union to help it stem a flood of migrants from west Africa to the Canary Island. The EU sent patrol boats and aircraft to the seas which thousands have crossed (and where hundreds have died in the hope of getting into Europe). Britain and France are reforming their immigration laws. Britain and Italy are fretting over the deportation of immigrant criminals. Six countries favour European "integration contracts"—tests of would—be citizens" knowledge of their host countries as a pre-condition for getting passports. But if both sides of the pond are experiencing similar upheavals, there is a big difference between their debates. Americans are letting it all hang out. Tumultuous demonstrations clog the streets. Politicians, lobbyists and interest groups clog the talk shows. In Europe, debate does not grip countries in the same way. After second-generation immigrants staged their suburban car-flagrations in France last year, the prime minister weirdly downplayed the riots" significance. Questions about the impact of immigration merge into issues such as asylum, and even Islamist terror. Debate exists, but it is distorted and submerged. "The big difference in the way Europeans and Americans look at immigration," argues Kathleen Newland of the Migration Policy Institute in Washiongton, DC, "springs from the fact that America protects its welfare system from immigrants but leaves its labour markets open, while the EU protects its labour markets and leaves it s welfare system open." Immigrants to Europe are welcomed with welfare benefits but cannot get jobs (their unemployment rate is far higher than average). America makes it easy even for illegal immigrants to get jobs but stops even legal ones claiming means-tested welfare benefits or subsidized housing. The result is that in America political debate centers on illegal immigration, and there is no sense that legal immigrants impose burdens on others. In Europe things are different. There, even legal immigrants are often seen as sponging on others through welfare receipts; and the fact that some have taken jobs which would not otherwise be done so cheaply is forgotten. In Europe, says Danny Sriskandarajah of Britain"s Institute for Public Policy Research, it is harder to talk about immigration as an economic issue. Instead, all migrants are caught in web of suspicion. Politically, the debate is different, too. In America, immigration is a mainstream issue, and splits both parties, Republicans especially. Not so in Europe. With few exceptions, the parties most willing to raise immigration as a political issue lie outside the mainstream-notably (though not only) far-right parties such as France"s National Front and the Danish People"s Party. The Netherlands is an exception: there, the politics of immigration entered the mainstream after two critics of multiculturalism were murdered. Britain is a partial exception, too: both Labour and Conservatives have espoused the cause of immigration control. But for the most part, big parties of center-left and center-right have not made deep reform of immigration a high priority. Because immigration has been the preserve of the fringe, Europe"s debate about it is bedeviled with accusations of racism (which does exist). Naturally, this harms those who want to impose controls: they are tainted by association. But paradoxically, it does not help those who back immigration and benefit from it either (such as employers of immigrant labour). Europe has no equivalent to the alliance of Senator John McCain and Ted Kennedy (usually political foes) who sponsored the Senate bill. Without a space in the political center for friends of immigration, public fears of immigration go unaddressed and unallayed. And on the other side, there is less political representation of immigrants in European countries. Hardly any of the 36,000 mayors in France are immigrants; none of the parliamentary deputies from mainland France are (in contrast, America has two dozen congressmen with Latino backgrounds).

单选题Questions 11～15 It has been a lousy few years for much of the media, and 2008 has offered no respite. But to quote the hideous"70s band Bachman Turner Overdrive, b-b-b-baby, you just ain"t see n-n-nothing yet. Because on top of the wrenching change affecting essentially every non-online media, here comes a very scary-looking economic downturn. Think of the recession, says Barclays analyst Anthony DiClemente, "as a vine growing up a wall. Except instead of a healthy vine, like at Wrigley [Field], it"s like—"feed me, Seymour"— from The Little Shop of Horrors . " Forgive the surfeit of pop-culture jokes. I"m only trying to inject levity into an extremely grim picture. According to ad tracker TNS Media Intelligence, which provided all such figures for this column, automotive and financial services were the No. 1 and No. 3 U. S. ad categories last year. We all know what happened to the latter in recent months. In 2007, Merrill Lynch, Lehman Brothers, Bear Stearns, and Washington Mutual spent $ 213.1 million on advertising. Even if those companies" new owners spend something to reassure old customers, you"re likely looking at a nine- figure sum sucked out of the ad marketplace by those guys alone. And when major carmakers report sales drops of 30%, boffo ad buys do not follow. Ford Motor"s ad spending was down over 31% for the first half of this year. Car sales" slide has accelerated since. In case you"re wondering, the No.2 ad category was retail, which is now under severe pressure as consumers spend less. The consequences of all this contraction are readily apparent when you talk to key media executives. Magazines sell ads long before they appear, and advertisers already are making noises about cutting back in the first half of 2009, says one senior executive in that industry. "Everyone says they are going to keep advertising in a downturn," says another executive, who has run major sales organizations in different media. "But not everyone actually does it. That"s just the reality of having to report earnings and profits." And while the wealthiest consumer may remain relatively untouched, those who have recently traded up to high-end products may slam the brakes on such consumption, raising chances that luxury advertisers will be affected, too. Food looks more likely to stay stable. One mordant TV executive puts it this way. "The auto industry is out. And Campbell"s Soup is in. " How the dollars flow—or rather don"t flow—in any downturn can shape events in ways obscured until much later. As strange as it sounds today, the tech bust that started in 2000 meant that total dollars spent on online display advertising declined 21% between 2001 and 2002. And as strange as it sounds today, many established media organizations used that decline as a rationale for deemphasizing the Web in favor of their traditional businesses—and underinvestment allowed all manner of Web-only startups to outflank them in the one medium that"s still growing. While online display ads will still be up in "09, says BMO Capital Markets analyst Leland Westerfield, that growth rate will likely slow. Look for search advertising to hold up, so Google should be hurt the least. Elsewhere, Barclay"s DiClemente suggests, the slowdown"s effects will move up a media ladder of sorts, starting with newspapers, magazines, radio, local TV, and then hitting broadcast and—possibly—cable TV. There"s a "high probability," he says, that the "advertising malaise spreads to network TV"—the one long-running medium that"s held steadiest as others have fallen off. DiClemente is forecasting a 5.5% pullback in ad spending next year, with only Web and cable TV posting ad upticks. It may be hard to conjure a scenario worse than today"s, given what radio, local TV, and newspapers are currently experiencing. This has been a year, in which many unthinkable things have happened—newspaper executives, for instance, mulling which days of the week they won"t publish. But the coming downturn means that what once was unthinkable ... well, you better start thinking it.

单选题Questions 11～15 President Clinton's decision on Apr. 8 to send Chinese Premier Zhu Rongji packing without an agreement on China's entry into the World Trade Organization seemed to be a massive miscalculation. The President took a drubbing from much of the press, which had breathlessly reported that a deal was in the bag. The Cabinet and White House still appeared divided, and business leaders were characterized as furious over the lost opportunity. Zhu charged that Clinton lacked "the courage" to reach an accord. And when Clinton later telephoned the angry Zhu to pledge a renewed effort at negotiations, the gesture was widely portrayed as a flip-flop. In fact, Clinton made the right decision in holding out for a better WTO deal. A lot more horse trading is needed before a final agreement can be reached. And without the Administration's goal of a " bullet-proof agreement" that business lobbyists can enthusiastically sell to a Republican Congress, the whole process will end up in partisan acrimony that could harm relations with China for years. THE HARD PART. Many business lobbyists, while disappointed that the deal was not closed, agree that better terms can still be had. And Treasury Secretary Robert E. Rubin, National Economic Council Director Gene B. Sperling, Commerce Secretary William M. Daley, and top trade negotiator Charlene Barshefsky all advised Clinton that while the Chinese had made a remarkable number of concessions, "we're not there yet," according to senior officials. Negotiating with Zhu over the remaining issues may be the easy part. Although Clinton can signal U. S. approval for China's entry into the WTO himself, he needs Congress to grant Beijing permanent most-favored-nation status as part of a broad trade accord. And the temptation for meddling on Capital Hill may prove over-whelming. Zhu had barely landed before Senate Majority Leader Trent Lott (R-Miss) declared himself skeptical that China deserved entry into the WTO. And Senators Jesse A. Helms (R-N. C.) and Ernest F. Hollings (D-S. C.) promised to introduce a bill requiring congressional approval of any deal. The hidden message from these three textile-state Southerners. Get more protection for the U.S. clothing industry. Hoping to smooth the way, the Administration tried, but failed, to budge Zhu on textiles. Also left in the lurch. Wall Street, Hollywood, and Detroit. Zhu refused to open up much of the lucrative Chinese securities market and insisted on "cultural" restrictions on American movies and music. He also blocked efforts to allow U. S. auto makers to provide fleet financing. BIG JOB. Already, business lobbyists are blanketing Capitol Hill to presale any eventual agreement, but what they've heard so far isn't encouraging. Republicans, including Lott, say that "the time just isn't right" for the deal. Translation: We're determined to make it look as if Clinton has capitulated to the Chinese and is ignoring human, religious, and labor rights violations; the theft of nuclear-weapons technology; and the sale of missile parts to America's enemies. Beijing's fierce critics within the Democratic Party, such as Senator Paul D. Wellstone of Minnesota and House Minority leader Richard A. Gephardt of Missouri, won't help, either. Just how tough the lobbying job on Capitol Hill will be become clear on Apr. 20, when Rubin lectured 19 chief executives on the need to discipline their Republican allies. With business and the White House still trading charges over who is responsible for the defeat of fast-track trade negotiating legislation in 1997, working together won't be easy. And Republicans—with a wink— say that they'll eventually embrace China's entry into the WTO as a favor to Corporate America, though not long before they torture Clinton. But Zhu is out on a limb, and if Congress overdoes the criticism, he may be forced by domestic critics to renege. Business must make this much dear to both its GOP allies and the White House. This historic deal is too important to risk losing to any more partisan squabbling.

单选题Questions 23-26

单选题Questions 11 to 15 are based on the following interview.

单选题 Question 19-22

单选题You are going to read three extracts which are all concerned in some way with room decoration. Extract 1 A stylish dining room with cream walls and curtains and black carpet add foil to an eclectic array of furniture. Many of the pieces are classics of their particular era, and demonstrate how old and new designs can be happily mixed together. The prototype chair in the foreground has yet to prove its staying power and was thought up by the flat"s occupant. He is pictured in his living area which has the same decorative theme and is linked to the dining-room by a high Medieval-styled archway where there was once a redundant and uninspiring fireplace. Extract 2 Old bathrooms often contain a great deal of ugly pipework in need of disguising. This can either be done by boxing in the exposed pipes, or by fitting wood panelling over them. As wood panelling can be secured over almost anything—including old ceramic tiles and chipped walls—it is an effective way of disguising pipework as well as being an attractive form of decoration. The panelling can be vertical, horizontal or diagonal. An alternative way to approach the problem of exposed pipes is to actually make them a feature of the room by picking the pipework out in bright strong colours. Extract 3 Cooking takes second place in this charming room which, with its deep armchairs, is more of a sitting-room than a kitchen, and the new Rayburn stove was a good choice, as it blends in well with the old brick and beamed fireplace. There are no fitted units or built-in appliances, so all food preparation is done at the big farmhouse table in the foreground, and the china, pots and pans have been deliberately left on show to make an attractive display. What about the kitchen sink? It"s hidden away behind an archway which leads into a small scullery. Here there"s a second cooker and—in the best farmhouse tradition—a huge, walk-in larder for all food storage.

单选题According to the passage, regarding an individual's well-being, which of the following facts will NOT narrow the GDP gap between America and Europe?

单选题Questions 11 to 15 are based on the following interview.

单选题It is Monday morning, and you are having trouble waking your teenagers. You are not alone. Indeed, each morning, few of the country"s 17 million high school students are awake enough to get much out of their first class, particularly if it starts before 8 am. Sure, many of them stayed up too late the night before, but not because they wanted to. Research shows that teenagers" body clocks are set to as schedule that is different from that of younger children or adults. This prevents adolescents from dropping off until around 11 pm, when they produce the sleep-inducing hormone melatonin, and waking up much before 8 am when their bodies stop producing melatonin. The result is that the first class of the morning is often a waste, with as many as 28 percent of students falling asleep; according to a National Sleep foundation poll. Some are so sleepy they do not even show up, contributing to failure and dropout rates. Here is an idea: stop focusing on testing and instead support changing the hours of the school day, starting it later for teenagers and ending it later for all children. Indeed, no one does well when they are sleep-deprived, but insufficient sleep among children has been linked to obesity and to learning issues like attention deficit/hyperactivity disorder. You would think this would spur educators to take action, and a few have. In 2002, high schools in Jessamine County in Kentucky pushed back the first bell to 8:40 am, from 7:30 am. Attendance immediately went up, as did scores on standardized tests, which have continued to rise each year. In Minneapolis and Edina, Minnesota, which instituted high school start times of 8:40 am and 8:30 am respectively in 1997, students" grades rose slightly and lateness, behavioral problems and dropout rates decreases. Later is also safer. When high schools in Fayette County in Kentucky delayed their start times to 8:30 am, the number of teenagers involved in car crashes dropped, even as they rose in the state. So why has not every school board moved back that first bell? Well, it seems that improving teenagers" performance takes a back seat to more pressing concerns: the cost of additional bus service, the difficulty of adjusting after school activity schedules and the inconvenience to teachers and parents. But few of these problems actually come to pass, according to the Center for Applied Research and Educational Improvement at the University of Minnesota. In Kentucky and Minnesota, simply flipping the starting times for the elementary and high schools meant no extra cost for buses. There are other reasons to start and end school at a later time. According to Paul Reville, a professor of education policy at Harvard and chairman of the Massachusetts Board of Education, "trying to cram everything out 21 th -century students need into a 19 th -century six-and-a-half-hour day just isn"t working". He said that children learn more at a less frantic pace, and that lengthening the school day would help "close the achievement gap between disadvantaged students and their better-off peers".

单选题 {{B}}Questions 15—18{{/B}}

单选题The author quotes Bredius' opinion in order to show that ______.

单选题Whydidthemangotothebank?A.Hehadtopaythefinethere.B.Hewantedtogetsmallchange.C.Heintendedtocallthetrafficpolice.

单选题Questions 15—18

单选题An industrial society, especially one as centralized and concentrated as that of Britain, is heavily dependent on certain essential services: for instance, electricity supply, water, rail and road transport, the harbours. The area of dependency has widened to include removing rubbish, hospital and ambulance services, and, as the economy develops, central computer and information services as well. If any of these services ceases to operate, the whole economic system is in danger. It is this interdependency of the economic system which makes the power of trade unions such an important issue. Single trade unions have the ability to cut off many countries" economic blood supply. This can happen more easily in Britain than in some other countries, in part because the labour force is highly organized. About 55 per cent of British workers belong to unions, compared to under a quarter in the United States. For historical reasons, Britain"s unions have tended to develop along trade and occupational lines, rather than on an industry-by-industry basis, which makes a wages policy, democracy in industry and the improvement of procedures for fixing wage levels difficult to achieve. There are considerable strains and tensions in the trade union movement, some of them arising from their outdated and inefficient structure. Some unions have lost many members because of industrial changes. Others are involved in arguments about who should represent workers in new trades. Unions for skilled trades are separate from general unions, which means that different levels of wages for certain jobs are often a source of bad feeling between unions. In traditional trades which are being pushed out of existence by advancing technologies, unions can fight for their members" disappearing jobs to the point where the jobs of other unions" members are threatened or destroyed. The printing of newspapers both in the United States and in Britain has Frequently been halted by the efforts of printers to hold onto their traditional highly-paid jobs. Trade unions have problems of internal communication just as managers in companies do, problems which multiply in very large unions or in those which bring workers in very different industries together into a single general union. Some trade union officials have to be re-elected regularly; others are elected, or even appointed, for life. Trade union officials have to work with a system of "shop stewards" in many unions, "shop stewards" being workers elected by other workers as their representatives at factory or works level.

单选题The teacher insisted ______ the importance of being honest. [A] on [B] in [C] of [D] that

单选题A.Theindustryexpectsariseindemand.B.Therewillbea60%riseindemandeveryyeartill2030.C.The60%riseindemandwillbringmassivecapitalinjectionneeded.D.Massivecapitalinjectionsraisetheriseindemand.