单选题Question 6-10 How many really suffer as a result of labor market problems? This is one of the most critical yet contentious social policy questions. In many ways, our social statistics exaggerate the degree of hardship. Unemployment does not have the same dire consequences today as it did in the 1930"s when most of the unemployed were primary breadwinners, when income and earnings were usually much closer to the margin of subsistence, and when there were no countervailing social programs for those failing in the labor market. Increasing affluence, the rise of families with more than one wage earner, the growing predominance of secondary earners among the unemployed, and improved social welfare protection have unquestionably mitigated the consequences of joblessness. Earnings and income data also overstate the dimensions of hardship. Among the millions with hourly earnings at or below the minimum wage level, the overwhelming majority are from multiple-earner, relatively affluent families. Most of those counted by the poverty statistics are elderly or handicapped or have family responsibilities which keep them out of the labor force, so the poverty statistics are by no means an accurate indicator of labor market pathologies. Yet there are also many ways our social statistics underestimate the degree of labor-market- related hardship. The unemployment counts exclude the millions of fully employed workers whose wages are so low that their families remain in poverty. Low wages and repeated or prolonged unemployment frequently interact to undermine the capacity for self-support. Since the number experiencing joblessness at some time during the year is several times the number unemployed in any month, those who suffer as a result of forced idleness can equal or exceed average annual unemployment, even though only a minority of the jobless in any month really suffer. For every person counted in the monthly unemployment tallies, there is another working part-time because of the inability to find full-time work, or else outside the labor force but wanting a job. Finally, income transfers in our country have always focused on the elderly, disabled, and dependent, neglecting the needs of the working poor, so that the dramatic expansion of cash and in-kind transfers does not necessarily mean that those failing in the labor market are adequately protected. As a result of such contradictory evidence, it is uncertain whether those suffering seriously as a result of thousands or the tens of millions, and, hence, whether high levels of joblessness can be tolerated or must be countered by job creation and economic stimulus. There is only one area of agreement in this debate--that the existing poverty, employment, and earnings statistics are inadequate for one of their primary applications, measuring the consequences of labor market problems.

单选题Questions 6～10 Wilfred Emmanuel-Jones was a teenager before he saw his first cow in his first field. Born in Jamaica, the 47-year-old grew up in inner-city Birmingham before making a career as a television producer and launching his own marketing agency. But deep down he always nurtured every true Englishman"s dream of a rustic life, a dream that his entrepreneurial wealth has allowed him to satisfy. These days he"s the owner of a thriving 12-hectare farm in deepest Devon with cattle, sheep and pigs. His latest business venture: pushing his brand of Black Fanner gourmet sausages and barbecue sauces. "My background may be very urban," says Emmanuel-Jones. "But it has given me a good idea of what other urbanites want. " And of how to sell it, Emmanuel-Jones joins a herd of wealthy fugitives from city life who are bringing a new commercial know-how to British farming. Britain"s burgeoning farmers" markets—numbers have doubled to at least 500 in the last five years—swarm with specialty cheese makers, beekeepers or organic smallholders who are redeploying the business skills they learned in the city. "Everyone in the rural community has to come to terms with the fact that things have changed. " says Emmanuel-Jones. "You can produce the best food in the world, but if you don"t know how to market it, you are wasting your time. We are helping the traditionalists to move on. " The emergence of the new class of super peasants reflects some old yearnings. If the British were the first nation to industrialize, they were also the first to head back to the land. "There is this romantic image of the countryside that is particularly English," says Alun Howkins of the University of Sussex, who reckons the population of rural England has been rising since 1911. Migration into rural areas is now running at about 100,000 a year, and the hunger for a taste of the rural life has kept land prices buoyant even as agricultural incomes tumble. About 40 percent of all farmland is now sold to "lifestyle buyers" rather than the dwindling number of traditional farmers, according to the Royal Institution of Chartered Surveyors. What"s new about the latest returnees is their affluence and zeal for the business of producing quality foods, if only at a micro-level. A healthy economy and surging London house prices have helped to ease the escape of the would-be rustics. The media recognize and feed the fantasy. One of the big TV hits of recent years, the "River Cottage" series, chronicled the attempts of a London chef to run his own Dorset farm. Naturally, the newcomers can"t hope to match their city salaries, but many are happy to trade any loss of income for the extra job satisfaction. Who cares if there"s no six-figure annual bonus when the land offers other incalculable compensations? Besides, the specialist producers can at least depend on a burgeoning market for their products. Today"s eco-aware generation loves to seek out authentic ingredients. "People like me may be making a difference in a small way," Jan McCourt, a onetime investment banker now running his own 40-hectare spread in the English Midlands stocked with rare breeds. Optimists see signs of far-reaching change: Britain isn"t catching up with mainland Europe, it"s leading the way. "Unlike most other countries, where artisanal food production is being eroded, here it is being recovered," says food writer Matthew Fort. "It may be the mark of the next stage of civilization that we rediscover the desirability of being a peasant. And not an investment banker. "

单选题 The Greek word utopia has been used by those who envision a perfect world. The social reformers of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, like the British industrialist Robert Owen and the French theorist Charles Fourier, are considered Utopians because they believed in impossibly ideal conditions of social organization. Convinced that they possessed the truth, Utopians often exhibited a sense of mission by which they tried to persuade the unbeliever to accept the truth of their visions. Nonviolent but persuasive. Utopians relied heavily on providing unbelievers with information to convert them to the Utopian vision so that they joined the cause. Utopians relied on informal education to make their messages known to an ever-widening audience Owen and Fourier, for example, were tireless writers who produced volumes of essays and other publications. In particular, Owen was a frequent lecturer and organizer of committees designed to advance his Utopian beliefs. Education was designed to create a popular movement for joining the Utopian cause. In this journalist or lecture stage, Utopian education consisted of two elements. First, it mentioned the ills of society and suggested how they might be remedied. Second, it presented a picture of life, often minutely detailed, in the new society. Utopians believed that modern industrialism had caused individuals to lose interest in the values of both family and the larger society, resulting in personal and social disorganization. To overcome this sense of alienation Utopians sought to create perfectly integrated communities. Like the ancient Greek city-state, the new community would be a totally instructive environment. Work, leisure, art, and social and economic relationships would reinforce the sense of community and cultivate communitarian values. Fourier's form of communal organization, the phalanstery, consisted of 2,000 members and was organized into flexible groups that provided for production, education, and recreation. In addition to communal workshops, kitchens, and laundries, the phalanstery would also provide libraries, concert halls, and study rooms for its members. Utopian theorists, especially Owen, emphasized the education of the young in institutes and schools. The child, they reasoned, held the key to continuing the new society. Rejecting older concepts of child depravity and inherited human weakness, Utopians believed that human nature can be molded. Owen and other Utopians advocated beginning children's education as early as possible. Young children, they reasoned, were free of the prejudices and biases of the previously established social order. If they were educated in community nurseries, they would be free from the contaminating ideas of those who had not yet been cured of the vices of the established society. They could be shaped into the desired type of communitarian human beings. Community nurseries and infant schools performed a second function: freeing women from the burdens of child rearing and allowing them to have full equality with the male residents of Utopia. According to Fourier, the family and the school in the previously established social order were agencies used to criticize and correct children. Fourier intended to replace them with associative or group-centered education in which peer friends would correct negative behavior in the spirit of open friendship. Fourier's associative form of education involved mutual criticism and group correction, which was a form of character molding that brought about community social control and conformity. Fourier believed that children, like adults, had instincts and interests that should be encouraged rather than repressed. He envisioned a system of miniature work shops in which children could develop their industrious instincts. His associative education was also intended to further the children's complete development. First, the body and its senses were exercised and developed. Second, cooking, gardening, and other productive activities would cultivate the skills of making and managing products. Third, mental, moral, and spiritual development would incline the child to truth and justice. Schooling in the Utopian designs of Owen, Fourier, and others rejected learning that was highly verbal, rigidly systematic, and dominated by classical languages. Because of its concern for forming character, it often led to pioneering in sights in early childhood education. It was intended, however, to bring about a sense of conformity to group norms and rules. While immersion in the group diminished the personal alienation caused by industrial society, it also restricted the opportunity to develop individual difference and creativity.

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单选题Questions 19～22

单选题A.Topreventcaraccidents.B.Tomonitorthedriver'shealth.C.Todrivethecarautomatically.D.Tomeasurethedriver'spulse.

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单选题Questions 6 to 10 are based on the following news.

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单选题{{B}}Questions 1 to 5 are based on the following conversation.{{/B}}

单选题Questions 6 to 10 are based on the following talk.

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单选题{{B}}Statements{{/B}}{{B}}Directions: {{/B}}In this part of the test, you will hear several short statements. These statements will be spoken {{B}}ONLY ONCE{{/B}}, and you will not find them written on the paper; so you must listen carefully. When you hear a statement, read the answer choices and decide which one is closest in meaning to the statement you have heard. Then write the letter of the answer you have chosen in the corresponding space in your {{B}}ANSWER BOOKLET{{/B}}

单选题In Para. 4, the "hierarchies" most closely represent ______.

单选题Doctors alone must make the final decision whether to withdraw treatment, including artificial feeding, and allow a terminally ill patient to die, according to British Medical Association guidelines published yesterday. They must consult the family, take into account views of the patient and get a second medical opinion. But ultimately the responsibility rests with the doctor, and if the family disagrees it can only challenge his or her decision in the courts. Members of the BMA’s ethics committee, which produced the guidelines, said they were not a charter for euthanasia. "This is not about intending to kill people. It is about intending to withdraw what people believe to be useless or non-beneficial interventions," said Raanan Gillon, a GP and professor of medical ethics at Imperial College, London. "It is the difference between foreseeing death as the outcome and intending it." Opponents of euthanasia rejected this distinction. "I am deeply concerned that some doctors might interpret the guidelines to increase the number of unnatural deaths," said Dr Andrew Fergusson, chairman of the pressure group Healthcare Opposed to Euthanasia. "I recognize these are very difficult matters, but I am anxious about even more power being given to doctors in the apparent absence of adequate safeguards. This guidance will be bad for some patients." The BMA has produced the guidelines because of confusion and uncertainly among doctors over how to proceed when treatment is doing more harm than good—perhaps in the case of unsuccessful chemotherapy for cancer—or when a patient is incapacitated after a severe stroke or advanced dementia. The House of Lords judgment in the 1993 Bland case has muddied the waters. Tony Bland was in a persistent vegetative state (PVS) after the Hillsborough disaster. The courts backed the BMA view that the artificial feeding and hydration through a tube that were keeping him alive were medical treatments. His father won permission to have all treatments stopped and his son was allowed to die. But the Lords stated that their ruling applied only to patients in PVS and suggested each case should be referred in turn to the courts. The BMA guidelines make clear that they feel there is no such need in cases other than PVS. These are hard decisions, but doctors are well qualified to make them. If the decision involves stopping artificial nutrition and hydration, which the document accepts is an emotive issue, then a second opinion from a specialist unconnected with the case must be sought. The doctor must try to ascertain the patient"s own wishes. The views of children under 16 who are capable of understanding must be respected and their parents" views sought. Living wills requesting no further treatment must be complied with. With patients who cannot communicate, doctors must consider among other things whether the invasiveness and pain of treatment are justifiable, how likely is any improvement and how aware patients are of the world around them. The document accuses society of "unrealistic expectations.., about the extent to which it is possible to postpone death." But SOS-NHS Patients in Danger, a pressure group formed by relatives of patients who have died in hospital, rejected the guidelines outright. It said: "A terminally iii patient, with weeks, months and (who knows) even years to live would not benefit from having their death hastened for the convenience of medical staff and managers when they and their family might have other plans for how they wish to spend their precious remaining time together."

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单选题Our culture has caused most Americans to assume not only that our language is universal but that the gestures we use are understood by everyone. We do not realize that waving good-bye is the way to summon a person from the Philippines to one's side, or that in Italy and some Latin-American countries, curling the finger to oneself is a sign of farewell. Those private citizens who sent packages to our troops occupying Germany after World War II and marked them GIFT to escape duty payments did not bother to find out that "Gift" means poison in German. Moreover, we like to think of ourselves as friendly, yet we prefer to be at least 3 feet or an arm's length away form others. Latins and Middle Easterners like to come closer and touch, which makes Americans uncomfortable. Our linguistic and cultural blindness and the casualness with which we take notice of the developed tastes, gestures, customs and languages of other countries, are losing us friends, business and respect in the world. Even here in the United States, we make few concessions to the needs of foreign visitors. There are no information signs in four languages on our public buildings or monuments; we do not have multilingual guided tours. Very few restaurant menus have translations, and multilingual waiters, bank clerks and policemen are rare. Our transportation systems have maps in English only and often we ourselves have difficulty understanding them. When we go abroad, we tend to cluster in hotels and restaurants where English is spoken. The attitudes and information we pickup are conditioned by those natives—usually the richer—who speak English. Our business dealings, as well as the nation's diplomacy, are conducted through interpreters. For many years, America and Americans could get by with cultural blindness and linguistic ignorance. After all, America was the most powerful country of the free world, the distributor of needed funds and goods. But all that is past. American dollars no longer buy all good things, and we are slowly beginning to realize that our proper role in the world is changing. A 1979 Harris poll reported that 55 percent of Americans want this country to play a more significant role in world affairs; we want to have a hand in the important decisions of the next century, even though it may not always be the upper hand.