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A perceptual study on the domain of tones in Standard Chinese

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摘要 A perceptual experiment was conducted in which stimuli sliced from 12 StandardChinese syllables spoken in isolation were identified by 10 native speakers of Beijing dialect.The results of the experiment indicate that when the pre-onset or post-offest of a tone is extended to a large extent, the initial voiced consonant, the medial, the nasal coda, and the vocalic ending are not related to the tonal pitch; even when the post-offset is extended to a short extent, the nasal coda and the vocalic cnding are neither related to the tona1 pitch. Thus, with regard to the tonal domain of a Standard Chinese monosyllable in isolation, not only the initial voiced consonant and the medial, but also the nasal coda and the vocalic ending are excludedi in other words, the basic contour of Standard Chincse tone in isolation is mainly related to the syllabic vowel and its adjacent transition. Because F0 in the pre-onset and post- onset are not related to the tonal pitch, there is no exact match between F0 contour and tonal pitch. A perceptual experiment was conducted in which stimuli sliced from 12 StandardChinese syllables spoken in isolation were identified by 10 native speakers of Beijing dialect.The results of the experiment indicate that when the pre-onset or post-offest of a tone is extended to a large extent, the initial voiced consonant, the medial, the nasal coda, and the vocalic ending are not related to the tonal pitch; even when the post-offset is extended to a short extent, the nasal coda and the vocalic cnding are neither related to the tona1 pitch. Thus, with regard to the tonal domain of a Standard Chinese monosyllable in isolation, not only the initial voiced consonant and the medial, but also the nasal coda and the vocalic ending are excludedi in other words, the basic contour of Standard Chincse tone in isolation is mainly related to the syllabic vowel and its adjacent transition. Because F0 in the pre-onset and post- onset are not related to the tonal pitch, there is no exact match between F0 contour and tonal pitch.
出处 《Chinese Journal of Acoustics》 1995年第4期350-357,共8页 声学学报(英文版)
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