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Shepherding Public Discourse Practices: Homiletic Form Aligned to the Logic Operative in Racial Rhetoric and Public Theological Discourse for Secular Liberal Democracies

Shepherding Public Discourse Practices: Homiletic Form Aligned to the Logic Operative in Racial Rhetoric and Public Theological Discourse for Secular Liberal Democracies
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摘要 Given that preaching is the primary mode of public theological discourse for most Christian ministers, an intellectual virtue of verbal restraint is required when practicing public theology and it is wise to address the ways that homilies can shepherd public discourse practices. A theology of rhetoric includes the homilist's moral purpose. Homilies either enhance public discourse or pervert it. This essay sketches a pattern of sermon movement that respects the logic operative in public theology, given the social context of America. Homilies can help cultivate the pastoral care of public rhetoric by modeling discourse that nurtures the politics of accountability. While many call for a public ethos where divergent moral voices engage each other in highly contested arenas, a precondition to practicing effective public theology requires that one exercises discourse in a way that respects the social limits on the free exercise of religion. It is important that a public theology of rhetoric clarifies the original social agreement for acceptable religious discourse in the public arena. Homiletics, as a dimension of practical theology, can teach preachers methods of pastoral care for public discourse. The social agreement in liberal democracies to contain the combative nature of religious discourse assumes a logic that is circumscribed by commitments to (1) religious pluralism, (2) theological agnosticism, and (3) epistemological pragmatism. Here we propose that a sermon's form, which implicitly touches upon these commitments, can tap into the basic modes of persuasion in secular liberal societies. This respects the moral purposes previously agreed upon and expected of partisans during highly contestable times. This calls for incarnational humility on the part of the Christian public theologian and it guides her/his practice.
出处 《Cultural and Religious Studies》 2016年第9期576-588,共13页 文化与宗教研究(英文版)
关键词 homiletics liberal democracy SECULARIZATION BONHOEFFER radical theology RHETORIC 基督教神学 自由主义 话语 逻辑 民主 社会背景 手术 种族
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  • 1These limits, encoded in the society's laws, empower the state to use coercive force, when needed, in order to curb religious freedom for the sake of the common good. See John Courtney Murray, Religious Liberty: Catholic Struggles with Pluralism. (Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press, 1993), pp. 66-67.
  • 2Aristotle, The Rhetoric, Book 1 Chapter 3.
  • 3embrace James Calvin Davis's definition of civility, "as the exercise of patience, integrity, humility, and mutual respect in civil conversation, even (or especially) with those with whom we disagree" distinct from the notions of civil discourse manifesting itself as passivity or relativism. See James Calvin Davis, In Defense of Civility: How Religion Can Unite America on Seven Moral lssues that Divide Us (Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press, 2010), p. 159.
  • 4Unnamed staffwriter, "Black Lives Matter: Movement or Battle Cry." L. A. Focus volume XXI, Issue 12, December 2015.
  • 5For this essay, I understand public in the sense of John Rawls; that is, "public in three ways: as the reason of citizens as such, it is the reason of the pubic; its subject is the good of the public and matters of fundamental justice; and its nature and content is public, being given by the ideals and principles expressed by society's conception of political justice, and conducted open to view on that basis" quoted in John Rawls, Political Liberalism (New York: Columbia University Press, 1993), p. 213.
  • 6Thomas Kuhn writes about arguments' circular form during competing paradigms: "Yet, whatever its force, the status of the circular argument is only that of persuasion. It cannot be made logically or even probabilistically compelling for those who refuse to step into the circle. The premises and values shared by the two parties to a debate over paradigms are not sufficiently extensive for that. As in political revolutions, so in paradigm choice--there is no standard higher than the assent of the relevant community." Thomas S. Kulm. The Structure of Scientitc Revolutions (Chicao: The University of Chicago Press, 1962), O. 94.
  • 7Jeffrey Stout writes that "The practical expression of social contract theory is, unsurprisingly, a program of social control, an attempt to enforce moral restraint on discursive exchange by counting only those who want to reason on the basis of a common set of fixed rules as reasonable." See John Rawls, Political Liberalism (New York: Columbia University Press, 1993), p. 81.
  • 8"Without the sacred space spearheaded by the church (or any other sacred gathering place), the secular world gathered about the church has little or no spirituality, morality, or ethics...In the secular world of essentially Christian communities...the aura of sacrality wafting above the core of secularity would cease to exist save the church and it personal oscillators, whose gift to the secular world is the spiritual substance of its natural law." Jon Michael Spencer, Theological Music: Introduction to Theomusicology (New York: Greenwood Press, 1991), pp. 45-46.
  • 9This quote begins much earlier where he writes, "the disenchantment of nature begins with the Creation; the desacralization of politics with the Exodus; and the deconseeration of values with the Sinai Covenant." Harvey Cox, The Secular City: Secularization and Urbanization in Theological Perspective (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1965), pp. 17-18.
  • 10In his discourse on rhetoric, Aristotle wrote, "What makes a man a 'sophist' is not his faculty, but his moral purpose. In rhetoric, however, the term 'rhetorician' may describe either the speaker's knowledge of the art, or his moral purpose." Aristotle, The Rhetoric, Book 1 Chapter 1, pp. 15-20.

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