2008年新年伊始,收到罗马尼亚汉学家伊丽亚娜·霍贾—韦利什库(杨玲)教授寄来她的新著。罗文书名很长,译成中文可以是这样的:《罗马尼亚先贤、摩尔多瓦—瓦拉几亚贵族、赴康熙大帝朝廷的使臣尼古拉·米列斯库·斯帕塔鲁》(U...2008年新年伊始,收到罗马尼亚汉学家伊丽亚娜·霍贾—韦利什库(杨玲)教授寄来她的新著。罗文书名很长,译成中文可以是这样的:《罗马尼亚先贤、摩尔多瓦—瓦拉几亚贵族、赴康熙大帝朝廷的使臣尼古拉·米列斯库·斯帕塔鲁》(Un straroman,boierul moldo-valah Nicolae Milescu Spatarul,ambasador laCurtea Marelui August Kang Xi),这里我们简称《尼古拉·米列斯库·斯帕塔鲁》。书为大32开,正文加附录共488页,布加勒斯特大学出版社2007年12月推出。展开更多
With the annexation of the Crimea and the engagement in confrontation with the West, Russia has embarked on a course of making the military force into a useful instrument of policy. Moscow has effectively sacrificed t...With the annexation of the Crimea and the engagement in confrontation with the West, Russia has embarked on a course of making the military force into a useful instrument of policy. Moscow has effectively sacrificed the goals of modernization and development for the sake of geopolitical ambitions. The question about the price of Russia＇s revisionist enterprise is relevant for many states that are not satisfied with the unfair and often discriminating rules of the world order, first of all China. Russia hopes to inspire other states dissatisfied with the ＂unipolar＂ world order to challenge the West more boldly, but the result of its assault on the prin- ciples of nonintervention and territorial integrity might work in the opposite way. The states of East Asia could take a good measure of the risk inherent to embarking on the course of projecting power at the expense of modernization and become even more committed than before to upholding their unique prosperity-producing peace. China has a vested interest in Russian internal stability and must be worried by the prospect of a post-Putin crisis.展开更多
文摘2008年新年伊始,收到罗马尼亚汉学家伊丽亚娜·霍贾—韦利什库(杨玲)教授寄来她的新著。罗文书名很长,译成中文可以是这样的:《罗马尼亚先贤、摩尔多瓦—瓦拉几亚贵族、赴康熙大帝朝廷的使臣尼古拉·米列斯库·斯帕塔鲁》(Un straroman,boierul moldo-valah Nicolae Milescu Spatarul,ambasador laCurtea Marelui August Kang Xi),这里我们简称《尼古拉·米列斯库·斯帕塔鲁》。书为大32开,正文加附录共488页,布加勒斯特大学出版社2007年12月推出。
文摘With the annexation of the Crimea and the engagement in confrontation with the West, Russia has embarked on a course of making the military force into a useful instrument of policy. Moscow has effectively sacrificed the goals of modernization and development for the sake of geopolitical ambitions. The question about the price of Russia＇s revisionist enterprise is relevant for many states that are not satisfied with the unfair and often discriminating rules of the world order, first of all China. Russia hopes to inspire other states dissatisfied with the ＂unipolar＂ world order to challenge the West more boldly, but the result of its assault on the prin- ciples of nonintervention and territorial integrity might work in the opposite way. The states of East Asia could take a good measure of the risk inherent to embarking on the course of projecting power at the expense of modernization and become even more committed than before to upholding their unique prosperity-producing peace. China has a vested interest in Russian internal stability and must be worried by the prospect of a post-Putin crisis.
