This paper looks at the new media, communication, and political environment in both Tunisia and Egypt during and after the revolution. The new environment provided activists, politicians, civil society, and youth amon...This paper looks at the new media, communication, and political environment in both Tunisia and Egypt during and after the revolution. The new environment provided activists, politicians, civil society, and youth among others, who want to express their opinions and share their views, with various channels and means of corranunication to be part of the political action and to participate in the decision-making process. Social media played an important role in mobilizing youth to rally and protest. This is to say that a new model of communication has emerged with this new environment. The receiver has become the sender and the producer of the message. The process of communication, therefore, has been changed from one to many to from many to many, and everybody became sender and receiver at the same time. The main research question this paper aims to answer is： Are social networks enough to change the political and economic scene in the Arab World？ And is there a relationship between the new communication environment and Arab spring？ The year 2011 has been in the Arab world the year of social networks and radical changes in the political scene where a score of dictators were ousted. New political communication networks and mechanisms took place, and for the first time in Arab political communication, public opinion was a major political player. Social networks helped tremendously the formation of new public sphere where the public finds its way in the media and communication processes. At their best, new media can mobilize crowds and masses to rally and protest. They can give a social perspective to movements. However, they can＇t make change and implement democracy. After the collapse of the regimes in Tunisia and Egypt, things are not getting any better. There is no democratic transition, and both countries are experiencing complex economic, social, and political problems.展开更多
Using an analytical narrative approach to understand policy change, this paper explores the Brazilian government decision to create a digital TV policy initiating major reforms in this sector. The analysis is centered...Using an analytical narrative approach to understand policy change, this paper explores the Brazilian government decision to create a digital TV policy initiating major reforms in this sector. The analysis is centered on the actors, preferences, and choices. The article is divided into three parts： （1） We address the historical institutionalism assumptions; （2） We focus on the politics of digital TV policy in Brazil; and （3） The results are highlighted, and ＂winners＂ and ＂losers＂ are identified. Actors, preferences, and choices are historically observed and related to the government decision about rules of digital TV exploitation. It provides configurational evidence that makes it possible to associate major changes to two presidential decrees （n° 4.901/2003 and n° 5.820/2006） that reflect the preferences and behavior of the main actor （broadcasters, social movements, and federal government） around the new digital TV issues. The Brazilian case shows an institutional model in which federal government＇s decisions are strongly connected with the preferences of the actor broadcasters and goes against the actor social movements.展开更多
文摘This paper looks at the new media, communication, and political environment in both Tunisia and Egypt during and after the revolution. The new environment provided activists, politicians, civil society, and youth among others, who want to express their opinions and share their views, with various channels and means of corranunication to be part of the political action and to participate in the decision-making process. Social media played an important role in mobilizing youth to rally and protest. This is to say that a new model of communication has emerged with this new environment. The receiver has become the sender and the producer of the message. The process of communication, therefore, has been changed from one to many to from many to many, and everybody became sender and receiver at the same time. The main research question this paper aims to answer is： Are social networks enough to change the political and economic scene in the Arab World？ And is there a relationship between the new communication environment and Arab spring？ The year 2011 has been in the Arab world the year of social networks and radical changes in the political scene where a score of dictators were ousted. New political communication networks and mechanisms took place, and for the first time in Arab political communication, public opinion was a major political player. Social networks helped tremendously the formation of new public sphere where the public finds its way in the media and communication processes. At their best, new media can mobilize crowds and masses to rally and protest. They can give a social perspective to movements. However, they can＇t make change and implement democracy. After the collapse of the regimes in Tunisia and Egypt, things are not getting any better. There is no democratic transition, and both countries are experiencing complex economic, social, and political problems.
文摘Using an analytical narrative approach to understand policy change, this paper explores the Brazilian government decision to create a digital TV policy initiating major reforms in this sector. The analysis is centered on the actors, preferences, and choices. The article is divided into three parts： （1） We address the historical institutionalism assumptions; （2） We focus on the politics of digital TV policy in Brazil; and （3） The results are highlighted, and ＂winners＂ and ＂losers＂ are identified. Actors, preferences, and choices are historically observed and related to the government decision about rules of digital TV exploitation. It provides configurational evidence that makes it possible to associate major changes to two presidential decrees （n° 4.901/2003 and n° 5.820/2006） that reflect the preferences and behavior of the main actor （broadcasters, social movements, and federal government） around the new digital TV issues. The Brazilian case shows an institutional model in which federal government＇s decisions are strongly connected with the preferences of the actor broadcasters and goes against the actor social movements.
