With the innovation and development of offshore oil drilling technology, drilling wells in deep waters areas have become an important activity for the development of new hydrocarbon reservoirs in this type of environm...With the innovation and development of offshore oil drilling technology, drilling wells in deep waters areas have become an important activity for the development of new hydrocarbon reservoirs in this type of environment. CNOOC (China National Offshore Oil Corporation) won the rights to exploit two unexplored deepwater blocks in the Gulf of Mexico, in a bid realized by the Mexican Government (CNH), in 2016. The challenge to combine the newest technology with the oil industry experienced knowledge to lead the exploration and development of these deep-water blocks in Mexico is around the corner. Therefore, the basic techniques for deep waters wells drilling and the main potential risks are expounded in this paper. A set of deep waters wells drilling processes and methodologies are previously designed, and a specific case is demonstrated next, which provides a referential model for deep waters wells drilling in the Gulf of Mexico.展开更多
The admission of India and Pakistan as full members in the SCO in June 2017 is a landmark event in the evolution of Eurasian identity and its institutionalization and an event set to change the geopolitical and geo-ec...The admission of India and Pakistan as full members in the SCO in June 2017 is a landmark event in the evolution of Eurasian identity and its institutionalization and an event set to change the geopolitical and geo-economic patterns of the world.India,given the nature of its interests and ambitions in Asia,would have serious misgivings about any Eurasian project that would bring the Gulf and Central Asia into a single institutional framework.India is aware that at the global level,it is the weakest of the four global players,namely,the US,Russia,China,and India.In this context,India appears to be pursuing diplomacy along two parallel axes simultaneously:to balance China in the Indo-Pacific region with American support and assistance and to balance China in Eurasia with Russian support and assistance.This article also focuses on the nature of India’s bilateral relations with China,Pakistan,Russia,the US,and the EU to gauge India’s attitude toward the SCO’s further expansion westwards.While India may welcome Iran into the fold of the SCO for geo-economic reasons,it may not be too keen on Saudi Arabia and the GCC membership in the SCO.In economic terms,India may prefer a dense network of economic collaboration and cooperation activities with other states and regional entities,as the SCO looks further west,rather than absorbing them into the SCO’s fold.In security terms,India will probably try to direct the SCO efforts towards dealing with nonconventional threats like terrorism,energy security,and environmental protection rather than developing conventional military capabilities and doctrines,which could be perceived as anti-NATO.展开更多
The focus of the first five years of the Belt and Road Initiative(BRI)was on the economic dimensions,laced with a tinge of politics.It is likely that the next five years of this ambitious project-whilst making headway...The focus of the first five years of the Belt and Road Initiative(BRI)was on the economic dimensions,laced with a tinge of politics.It is likely that the next five years of this ambitious project-whilst making headway in the economic domain and acquiring a greater political flavour-would also attain a security dynamic that could become the basis of a future global security system,with ramifications for the Gulf region.This paper focuses on two interconnected issues:one,the already-evident traces of the BRI’s economic-political-security linkages;and two,how this security feature expands to fit into China’s wider diplomatic and defence policy,which includes a naval plan extending into the Indian Ocean,and how this could impact Gulf security.展开更多
Chinese President Hu Jintao’s tour to Saudi Arabia highlights bilateral and regional cooperation chinese President Hu Jintao visited Saudi Arabia on February 10-12 before heading to Africa,a trip that helped cement C...Chinese President Hu Jintao’s tour to Saudi Arabia highlights bilateral and regional cooperation chinese President Hu Jintao visited Saudi Arabia on February 10-12 before heading to Africa,a trip that helped cement China’s bonds with the Middle Eastern country and beyond.展开更多
The Indian Ocean is not only a geographic unit,but also a sub-system of the international system constructed within the interactions among the coastal countries.This article chooses the regional organizations as a var...The Indian Ocean is not only a geographic unit,but also a sub-system of the international system constructed within the interactions among the coastal countries.This article chooses the regional organizations as a variable to analyze the interactions among Indian Ocean coastal countries.With the empirical studies on the regional cooperation organizations,this article discloses the dynamics behind the regional integration between costal countries along the Indian Ocean Region.Six most representative regional cooperation organizations have been analyzed by this article,which are respectively the Cooperation Council for the Arab States of the Gulf(GCC),South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation(SAARC),Association of Southeast Asian Nations(ASEAN),Southern African Development Community(SADC),and Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa(COMESA),as well as Indian Ocean Rim Association(IORA).They could make purposive and rational decisions within the institutional constraints.Based on case studies and comparative analysis,this article suggests that there are four significantly different cooperation models among the coastal countries,and suggests not simply estimate the likely regional powers or organizations that would lead the construction of the regional cooperation,but the great importance of building the linkage among various regional cooperation institutions.展开更多
The Middle East has been in a state of turbulence,poor governance and inadequate development for a long time.The Gulf remains stable,although it is caught up in various regional disputes.It is a major task for both th...The Middle East has been in a state of turbulence,poor governance and inadequate development for a long time.The Gulf remains stable,although it is caught up in various regional disputes.It is a major task for both the international community and regional countries to consider how to effectively resolve these conflicts,promote regional governance and eventually achieve the long-term stability of the Gulf and the entire Middle East.China,with its commitment to peace,development and cooperation,is cautiously participating in reforming the Middle Eastern governance system.It is devoted to building a new type of international relations and a community with a shared future of humankind,albeit in a prudent manner;it highlights being an important promoter of peace,stability and industrialisation in the Middle East;it also engages in peace talks and conflict resolution in an incremental manner.China is putting the concept of peaceful development and mutual benefits into practice and helps the Middle East to embark on a new road of comprehensive reform,but so far it lacks specific scenarios and concrete roadmaps for peace in the Gulf.It also stresses interconnectivity and amity via interaction,but the Gulf conflict resolutions still have a long way to go.This paper explores Chinese principles in resolving regional conflicts from the aspects of history,politics,development,security and civilisation,and forecasts what hurdles China may face on the road to playing a bigger role.展开更多
Since its military occupation of Iraq,the U.S.has been obsessed with its Gulf strategy time and again,and is being challenged by the worsening and spreading crises in the Middle East.Strategically,the Bush administrat...Since its military occupation of Iraq,the U.S.has been obsessed with its Gulf strategy time and again,and is being challenged by the worsening and spreading crises in the Middle East.Strategically,the Bush administration and possibly its successor,troubled by the Iraq quagmire and Iranian nuclear issue,might have the strategic options including adhering to“dominant and preventive actions,”adopting“collapse prevention,”resuming“stability,deterrence and containment,”and anticipating“cooperative order.”However,the U.S.should either shun the hegemonic strategy in the Gulf and readjust its strategic objectives,or stay in the predicament in the region.展开更多
The new relationship that has emerged between UAE and Israel,after the conclusion of the Abraham agreement,includes common economic orientations between both sides.There is potential cooperation within the navigationa...The new relationship that has emerged between UAE and Israel,after the conclusion of the Abraham agreement,includes common economic orientations between both sides.There is potential cooperation within the navigational routes and strategic points in the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden and this initial cooperation could open the way for a bilateral economic partnership.This research paper has two main goals:Firstly,to uncover the economic cooperation between Israel and UAE in the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden by applying a methodology of qualitative case study.Secondly,exposing the repercussions of Israel-UAE economic cooperation on the future role of the Gulf Cooperation Council,specifically in the economic domain and addressing the factors accompanying this cooperation that may raise the level of competition among member states,especially between the UAE,Saudi Arabia and Qatar.By analysing these goals,the paper attempts to examine the possibilities that such economic cooperation between Israel and the UAE may pave the way towards future bilateral or multilateral alliances among different countries within the region.展开更多
The Persian Gulf as a crucial region has been in the center of the global powers’strategies.China,as a growing international power,in the framework of“Go Global”strategy,has cemented its multidimensional ties with ...The Persian Gulf as a crucial region has been in the center of the global powers’strategies.China,as a growing international power,in the framework of“Go Global”strategy,has cemented its multidimensional ties with the Persian Gulf countries,particularly the Gulf Cooperation Council(GCC)monarchies during the last three decades.China has established comprehensive strategic relations with the GCC states.The GCC sultanates have also attempted to deepen their collaboration with China in different fields.The bilateral relations between China and GCC countries mainly focused on energy,economy,trade,finance,relatively politics,security,military,culture and recently COVID-19.In recent years,the Chinese Belt and Road project has deepened the relationship between China and GCC countries and has effectively contributed to the Chinese“Go Global”strategy.展开更多
This article seeks to convey an accurate view of the nature,dynamics,activities and potential of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation,so that Gulf States can make a realistic assessment of what they would have to gai...This article seeks to convey an accurate view of the nature,dynamics,activities and potential of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation,so that Gulf States can make a realistic assessment of what they would have to gain by associating themselves with the body,as well as taking account of possible drawbacks.Data is presented on the population size of the member states,and also relevant material on the economies,the flows of trade,and defence capabilities.Emphasis is placed on the changing conceptual frameworks underpinning the organisation,with a steady broadening out from the strategic objectives which initially brought the states together,towards broader concerns which comprise a wide range of economic,social and cultural cooperation.It is suggested that the Gulf Cooperation Council states have much to gain from engaging with the organisation,given that it constitutes a key element in the emerging global economic and political order.展开更多
As an important regional organization in the Middle East,the Gulf Cooperation Council(GCC)faces many challenges in its current development.Today,trapped in intensified internal and external problems,as well as caught ...As an important regional organization in the Middle East,the Gulf Cooperation Council(GCC)faces many challenges in its current development.Today,trapped in intensified internal and external problems,as well as caught in increasingly crises,the GCC is standing at a difficult crossroad.The diplomatic strategies of the GCC in general since its establishment have always been looking towards the West,especially towards the United States(the US).All member states of the GCC maintain close ties with the US and their diplomatic strategies are heavily dependent on it.However,in recent years,the drastic changes in the Middle East and of the international political patterns have posed severe challenges to the GCC states’diplomatic strategies,which have also brought some opportunities with which the GCC states begin to change their diplomatic strategies significantly.Under the new circumstances,the GCC states,especially Saudi Arabia,are extricating themselves from the diplomatic tradition of looking westwards while beginning to make remarkable changes towards looking and going eastwards instead,gradually showing their trend of diversification and autonomy in diplomacy and trying to balance their diplomacy among regional and world powers,also between the East and the West.Therefore,any development on diplomatic orientation of the GCC states,especially Saudi Arabia,along with the accompanying impact on the geopolitical situation in the Middle East,deserves sustained attention.Indeed,it is really a problem for the GCC states to go eastwards or go westwards.展开更多
In light of the unprecedented developments in the Middle East since the Arab uprisings that started at the end of 2010,Saudi Arabia’s international and regional role began to grow.Placing a clear emphasis on its East...In light of the unprecedented developments in the Middle East since the Arab uprisings that started at the end of 2010,Saudi Arabia’s international and regional role began to grow.Placing a clear emphasis on its East Asia policy,this Gulf country has improved its relations with Asian powers,particularly China,across a wide range of the interests on its agenda.What are the motivating factors that led the Saudi leadership to closer relations with Beijing?As this year marks the 30th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between two countries,it is worth examining the growing pace of Sino-Saudi relationship.This paper draws on the‘neoclassical realist approach’to explore the evolving nature of Saudi foreign policy towards China since the Arab uprisings to the present with a particular focus on the Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman era.Upon examining the main determinants that could have had an impact on Saudi foreign policy strategy towards China,this review found that Riyadh’s growing attention to Beijing is mainly influenced by a variety of both internal and external factors related to Saudi leadership,regional patterns as well as the international context.While the combination of these factors pushes Saudi Arabia and China towards cooperation,this paper argues that there are other factors that can act as limiting forces on the Sino-Saudi relationship.展开更多
In recent years,China has actively participated in port construction and development in the Gulf and East Africa.China’s investment and construction of ports in this region demonstrates the mutually beneficial cooper...In recent years,China has actively participated in port construction and development in the Gulf and East Africa.China’s investment and construction of ports in this region demonstrates the mutually beneficial cooperation between China and the host countries,serves the regional development and the overall interests of China-Arab and China-Africa cooperation,and reflects the characteristics of letting one case guide a whole area.China’s investment in port construction is faced with the risks of port politicisation and security problems brought about by the geopolitical game of world major powers.It is necessary for China to take the Western Indian Ocean region as a whole,to attach importance to the coordination and cooperation between the Gulf and East Africa in terms of geo-economy,channel route security and port construction layout,and pay attention to reducing the risks of port politicisation and security.展开更多
Russia’s recent thundering‘return’to the Middle East is first and foremost an obvious result of the effective use of hard power,rather than the tools of soft power such as economics or diplomacy,which played import...Russia’s recent thundering‘return’to the Middle East is first and foremost an obvious result of the effective use of hard power,rather than the tools of soft power such as economics or diplomacy,which played important but secondary roles.The most visible symbol of this return is the establishment of two permanent sovereign Russian military bases in Syria.Indeed,Moscow has extensive experience in employing hard power to protect its interests,but political,financial and security costs and risks of its application are aplenty,which will dictate Russia’s more cautious policy on this matter in the future.Having gained a military foothold in the region,Russia now seeks to augment its influence in the MENA region further,and increasingly through the use of soft power,particularly diplomatic initiatives.The Astana-Sochi process is the format that Russia has moulded for this purpose.The study seeks to provide,first,an analysis of the Astana-Sochi process for Syria,its theoretical foundations and practical implementations,evaluation of its strengths and weaknesses,and then explore its applicability in the MENA region considering both objective features of the format and more subjective implications of the wider Russian involvement in the region against the backdrop of rising tensions between Moscow and the West.展开更多
Relations between the countries of Latin America and the Middle East have been an under researched topic within their respective fields.②This can be attributed,at least partly,to the fact that both regions have a com...Relations between the countries of Latin America and the Middle East have been an under researched topic within their respective fields.②This can be attributed,at least partly,to the fact that both regions have a comparatively low level of diplomatic and economic interactions,when contrasted,for example,with relations between Latin America and the European Union,or between the Gulf Cooperation Council and Asia.In the specific case of Brazil,even though the latter has decades old relations with selected Arab countries,such as Iraq,very little has been written about its interactions with the Arab world in general.One of the reasons for this may be attributed to the dearth of issues of high politics underscoring this relationship,issues that if present could assist in capturing media and academic attention.This article seeks to contribute to the study of both regions by focusing on a particular moment of Brazilian foreign policy when relations with the Arab world were at their peak in terms of visibility.展开更多
Due to the density stratification of sea water,the dispersed oil droplets and gas bubbles with small diameters,as well as the dissolved components,may remain in some specific depths.The double-plume Lagrangian particl...Due to the density stratification of sea water,the dispersed oil droplets and gas bubbles with small diameters,as well as the dissolved components,may remain in some specific depths.The double-plume Lagrangian particle tracking model for bubbly plumes in vertical density stratified environments is improved and applied to predict the underwater pollutants in a blowout.This model considers the different properties and dissolution processes of components in crude oil and focuses on their behavior and stratification differences in the plume.The crude oil components are divided into several groups and the dissolution of oil and gas is also considered.The model is applied to simulate the“Deepwater Horizon”oil spill accident in the Gulf of Mexico in 2010.The results show several enrichment layers of oil and gas at different depth and the differences in concentration between components,which corresponds to the distribution of petroleum pollutants in the in-situ observation.展开更多
The securitisation of military and political sectors has been underway for decades in the context of Qatari politics.Conceptualising the role of security in Qatar’s foreign policymaking is the primary purpose of this...The securitisation of military and political sectors has been underway for decades in the context of Qatari politics.Conceptualising the role of security in Qatar’s foreign policymaking is the primary purpose of this study.Qatar’s security tools and strategies in the initial era of the Gulf Crisis 2017 are central elements of this research using the Copenhagen school’s securitisation framework.The Gulf Crisis started in June 2017 and took more than 3 years for the parties to warm the relations again.This research depicts the early process of the Gulf Crisis 2017 through categorising threats and vulnerabilities posed to Qatar’s military and political security.展开更多
文摘With the innovation and development of offshore oil drilling technology, drilling wells in deep waters areas have become an important activity for the development of new hydrocarbon reservoirs in this type of environment. CNOOC (China National Offshore Oil Corporation) won the rights to exploit two unexplored deepwater blocks in the Gulf of Mexico, in a bid realized by the Mexican Government (CNH), in 2016. The challenge to combine the newest technology with the oil industry experienced knowledge to lead the exploration and development of these deep-water blocks in Mexico is around the corner. Therefore, the basic techniques for deep waters wells drilling and the main potential risks are expounded in this paper. A set of deep waters wells drilling processes and methodologies are previously designed, and a specific case is demonstrated next, which provides a referential model for deep waters wells drilling in the Gulf of Mexico.
文摘The admission of India and Pakistan as full members in the SCO in June 2017 is a landmark event in the evolution of Eurasian identity and its institutionalization and an event set to change the geopolitical and geo-economic patterns of the world.India,given the nature of its interests and ambitions in Asia,would have serious misgivings about any Eurasian project that would bring the Gulf and Central Asia into a single institutional framework.India is aware that at the global level,it is the weakest of the four global players,namely,the US,Russia,China,and India.In this context,India appears to be pursuing diplomacy along two parallel axes simultaneously:to balance China in the Indo-Pacific region with American support and assistance and to balance China in Eurasia with Russian support and assistance.This article also focuses on the nature of India’s bilateral relations with China,Pakistan,Russia,the US,and the EU to gauge India’s attitude toward the SCO’s further expansion westwards.While India may welcome Iran into the fold of the SCO for geo-economic reasons,it may not be too keen on Saudi Arabia and the GCC membership in the SCO.In economic terms,India may prefer a dense network of economic collaboration and cooperation activities with other states and regional entities,as the SCO looks further west,rather than absorbing them into the SCO’s fold.In security terms,India will probably try to direct the SCO efforts towards dealing with nonconventional threats like terrorism,energy security,and environmental protection rather than developing conventional military capabilities and doctrines,which could be perceived as anti-NATO.
文摘The focus of the first five years of the Belt and Road Initiative(BRI)was on the economic dimensions,laced with a tinge of politics.It is likely that the next five years of this ambitious project-whilst making headway in the economic domain and acquiring a greater political flavour-would also attain a security dynamic that could become the basis of a future global security system,with ramifications for the Gulf region.This paper focuses on two interconnected issues:one,the already-evident traces of the BRI’s economic-political-security linkages;and two,how this security feature expands to fit into China’s wider diplomatic and defence policy,which includes a naval plan extending into the Indian Ocean,and how this could impact Gulf security.
文摘Chinese President Hu Jintao’s tour to Saudi Arabia highlights bilateral and regional cooperation chinese President Hu Jintao visited Saudi Arabia on February 10-12 before heading to Africa,a trip that helped cement China’s bonds with the Middle Eastern country and beyond.
基金This article is supported by the project of National Social Sciences Found of China“The Characteristics and Trend of Gulf Regional Cooperation after the Cold War”(16FGJ005).
文摘The Indian Ocean is not only a geographic unit,but also a sub-system of the international system constructed within the interactions among the coastal countries.This article chooses the regional organizations as a variable to analyze the interactions among Indian Ocean coastal countries.With the empirical studies on the regional cooperation organizations,this article discloses the dynamics behind the regional integration between costal countries along the Indian Ocean Region.Six most representative regional cooperation organizations have been analyzed by this article,which are respectively the Cooperation Council for the Arab States of the Gulf(GCC),South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation(SAARC),Association of Southeast Asian Nations(ASEAN),Southern African Development Community(SADC),and Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa(COMESA),as well as Indian Ocean Rim Association(IORA).They could make purposive and rational decisions within the institutional constraints.Based on case studies and comparative analysis,this article suggests that there are four significantly different cooperation models among the coastal countries,and suggests not simply estimate the likely regional powers or organizations that would lead the construction of the regional cooperation,but the great importance of building the linkage among various regional cooperation institutions.
基金This paper is one of the research outcomes of the major project“Research on the Humanities Communication between China and Middle East Countries”(16JJDGJW013)a program of 2016 Key Research Base of Humanities and Social Sciences,China’s Ministry of Education.
文摘The Middle East has been in a state of turbulence,poor governance and inadequate development for a long time.The Gulf remains stable,although it is caught up in various regional disputes.It is a major task for both the international community and regional countries to consider how to effectively resolve these conflicts,promote regional governance and eventually achieve the long-term stability of the Gulf and the entire Middle East.China,with its commitment to peace,development and cooperation,is cautiously participating in reforming the Middle Eastern governance system.It is devoted to building a new type of international relations and a community with a shared future of humankind,albeit in a prudent manner;it highlights being an important promoter of peace,stability and industrialisation in the Middle East;it also engages in peace talks and conflict resolution in an incremental manner.China is putting the concept of peaceful development and mutual benefits into practice and helps the Middle East to embark on a new road of comprehensive reform,but so far it lacks specific scenarios and concrete roadmaps for peace in the Gulf.It also stresses interconnectivity and amity via interaction,but the Gulf conflict resolutions still have a long way to go.This paper explores Chinese principles in resolving regional conflicts from the aspects of history,politics,development,security and civilisation,and forecasts what hurdles China may face on the road to playing a bigger role.
文摘Since its military occupation of Iraq,the U.S.has been obsessed with its Gulf strategy time and again,and is being challenged by the worsening and spreading crises in the Middle East.Strategically,the Bush administration and possibly its successor,troubled by the Iraq quagmire and Iranian nuclear issue,might have the strategic options including adhering to“dominant and preventive actions,”adopting“collapse prevention,”resuming“stability,deterrence and containment,”and anticipating“cooperative order.”However,the U.S.should either shun the hegemonic strategy in the Gulf and readjust its strategic objectives,or stay in the predicament in the region.
文摘The new relationship that has emerged between UAE and Israel,after the conclusion of the Abraham agreement,includes common economic orientations between both sides.There is potential cooperation within the navigational routes and strategic points in the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden and this initial cooperation could open the way for a bilateral economic partnership.This research paper has two main goals:Firstly,to uncover the economic cooperation between Israel and UAE in the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden by applying a methodology of qualitative case study.Secondly,exposing the repercussions of Israel-UAE economic cooperation on the future role of the Gulf Cooperation Council,specifically in the economic domain and addressing the factors accompanying this cooperation that may raise the level of competition among member states,especially between the UAE,Saudi Arabia and Qatar.By analysing these goals,the paper attempts to examine the possibilities that such economic cooperation between Israel and the UAE may pave the way towards future bilateral or multilateral alliances among different countries within the region.
文摘The Persian Gulf as a crucial region has been in the center of the global powers’strategies.China,as a growing international power,in the framework of“Go Global”strategy,has cemented its multidimensional ties with the Persian Gulf countries,particularly the Gulf Cooperation Council(GCC)monarchies during the last three decades.China has established comprehensive strategic relations with the GCC states.The GCC sultanates have also attempted to deepen their collaboration with China in different fields.The bilateral relations between China and GCC countries mainly focused on energy,economy,trade,finance,relatively politics,security,military,culture and recently COVID-19.In recent years,the Chinese Belt and Road project has deepened the relationship between China and GCC countries and has effectively contributed to the Chinese“Go Global”strategy.
文摘This article seeks to convey an accurate view of the nature,dynamics,activities and potential of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation,so that Gulf States can make a realistic assessment of what they would have to gain by associating themselves with the body,as well as taking account of possible drawbacks.Data is presented on the population size of the member states,and also relevant material on the economies,the flows of trade,and defence capabilities.Emphasis is placed on the changing conceptual frameworks underpinning the organisation,with a steady broadening out from the strategic objectives which initially brought the states together,towards broader concerns which comprise a wide range of economic,social and cultural cooperation.It is suggested that the Gulf Cooperation Council states have much to gain from engaging with the organisation,given that it constitutes a key element in the emerging global economic and political order.
基金This article is one of the research outcomes of the Academic Leading Project“Research on the Contemporary Social Transformation of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia”[JX01X0212018032]a project in its second term held by Shanghai International Studies University.
文摘As an important regional organization in the Middle East,the Gulf Cooperation Council(GCC)faces many challenges in its current development.Today,trapped in intensified internal and external problems,as well as caught in increasingly crises,the GCC is standing at a difficult crossroad.The diplomatic strategies of the GCC in general since its establishment have always been looking towards the West,especially towards the United States(the US).All member states of the GCC maintain close ties with the US and their diplomatic strategies are heavily dependent on it.However,in recent years,the drastic changes in the Middle East and of the international political patterns have posed severe challenges to the GCC states’diplomatic strategies,which have also brought some opportunities with which the GCC states begin to change their diplomatic strategies significantly.Under the new circumstances,the GCC states,especially Saudi Arabia,are extricating themselves from the diplomatic tradition of looking westwards while beginning to make remarkable changes towards looking and going eastwards instead,gradually showing their trend of diversification and autonomy in diplomacy and trying to balance their diplomacy among regional and world powers,also between the East and the West.Therefore,any development on diplomatic orientation of the GCC states,especially Saudi Arabia,along with the accompanying impact on the geopolitical situation in the Middle East,deserves sustained attention.Indeed,it is really a problem for the GCC states to go eastwards or go westwards.
文摘In light of the unprecedented developments in the Middle East since the Arab uprisings that started at the end of 2010,Saudi Arabia’s international and regional role began to grow.Placing a clear emphasis on its East Asia policy,this Gulf country has improved its relations with Asian powers,particularly China,across a wide range of the interests on its agenda.What are the motivating factors that led the Saudi leadership to closer relations with Beijing?As this year marks the 30th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between two countries,it is worth examining the growing pace of Sino-Saudi relationship.This paper draws on the‘neoclassical realist approach’to explore the evolving nature of Saudi foreign policy towards China since the Arab uprisings to the present with a particular focus on the Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman era.Upon examining the main determinants that could have had an impact on Saudi foreign policy strategy towards China,this review found that Riyadh’s growing attention to Beijing is mainly influenced by a variety of both internal and external factors related to Saudi leadership,regional patterns as well as the international context.While the combination of these factors pushes Saudi Arabia and China towards cooperation,this paper argues that there are other factors that can act as limiting forces on the Sino-Saudi relationship.
文摘In recent years,China has actively participated in port construction and development in the Gulf and East Africa.China’s investment and construction of ports in this region demonstrates the mutually beneficial cooperation between China and the host countries,serves the regional development and the overall interests of China-Arab and China-Africa cooperation,and reflects the characteristics of letting one case guide a whole area.China’s investment in port construction is faced with the risks of port politicisation and security problems brought about by the geopolitical game of world major powers.It is necessary for China to take the Western Indian Ocean region as a whole,to attach importance to the coordination and cooperation between the Gulf and East Africa in terms of geo-economy,channel route security and port construction layout,and pay attention to reducing the risks of port politicisation and security.
基金This paper was supported by the Russian Science Foundation grant 19-18-00155‘Islamist extremism in the context of international security:threats for Russia and opportunities for counteraction’and submitted to‘2019 Gulf Research Meeting’held by University of Cambridge on 15-19 July 2019.
文摘Russia’s recent thundering‘return’to the Middle East is first and foremost an obvious result of the effective use of hard power,rather than the tools of soft power such as economics or diplomacy,which played important but secondary roles.The most visible symbol of this return is the establishment of two permanent sovereign Russian military bases in Syria.Indeed,Moscow has extensive experience in employing hard power to protect its interests,but political,financial and security costs and risks of its application are aplenty,which will dictate Russia’s more cautious policy on this matter in the future.Having gained a military foothold in the region,Russia now seeks to augment its influence in the MENA region further,and increasingly through the use of soft power,particularly diplomatic initiatives.The Astana-Sochi process is the format that Russia has moulded for this purpose.The study seeks to provide,first,an analysis of the Astana-Sochi process for Syria,its theoretical foundations and practical implementations,evaluation of its strengths and weaknesses,and then explore its applicability in the MENA region considering both objective features of the format and more subjective implications of the wider Russian involvement in the region against the backdrop of rising tensions between Moscow and the West.
文摘Relations between the countries of Latin America and the Middle East have been an under researched topic within their respective fields.②This can be attributed,at least partly,to the fact that both regions have a comparatively low level of diplomatic and economic interactions,when contrasted,for example,with relations between Latin America and the European Union,or between the Gulf Cooperation Council and Asia.In the specific case of Brazil,even though the latter has decades old relations with selected Arab countries,such as Iraq,very little has been written about its interactions with the Arab world in general.One of the reasons for this may be attributed to the dearth of issues of high politics underscoring this relationship,issues that if present could assist in capturing media and academic attention.This article seeks to contribute to the study of both regions by focusing on a particular moment of Brazilian foreign policy when relations with the Arab world were at their peak in terms of visibility.
基金supported by the National Natural Science Foundation of China(Grant No.51479101)supportedd by the State Key LaboratoryofHydroscience andEngineering,Tsinghua University(Grant No.2022-KY-05).
文摘Due to the density stratification of sea water,the dispersed oil droplets and gas bubbles with small diameters,as well as the dissolved components,may remain in some specific depths.The double-plume Lagrangian particle tracking model for bubbly plumes in vertical density stratified environments is improved and applied to predict the underwater pollutants in a blowout.This model considers the different properties and dissolution processes of components in crude oil and focuses on their behavior and stratification differences in the plume.The crude oil components are divided into several groups and the dissolution of oil and gas is also considered.The model is applied to simulate the“Deepwater Horizon”oil spill accident in the Gulf of Mexico in 2010.The results show several enrichment layers of oil and gas at different depth and the differences in concentration between components,which corresponds to the distribution of petroleum pollutants in the in-situ observation.
文摘The securitisation of military and political sectors has been underway for decades in the context of Qatari politics.Conceptualising the role of security in Qatar’s foreign policymaking is the primary purpose of this study.Qatar’s security tools and strategies in the initial era of the Gulf Crisis 2017 are central elements of this research using the Copenhagen school’s securitisation framework.The Gulf Crisis started in June 2017 and took more than 3 years for the parties to warm the relations again.This research depicts the early process of the Gulf Crisis 2017 through categorising threats and vulnerabilities posed to Qatar’s military and political security.
